Chapter 1 THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND Introduction Boundless studies prevalent to self-esteem can be seen all over the circulation. Researchers has shown stupendous interest as to what really provokes self-esteem may it be high or low which is arduously in explainable. Self-esteem is important in terms of how one thinks, feels, and responds to stressful life events. Research has also shown a relation between low self-esteem and feelings of depression and hopelessness towards people (Overholser, 1995). According to Andrews 1998, females with low self-esteem are twice as likely to develop depression following a stressful life event than those with average or high self-esteem. During adolescence, a person may experience increased stress in relation to school, friends, and family, as well as new responsibilities and interests. An important influence on the social construction of self-esteem is the degree to which the individual perceives interpersonal acceptance as relatively unconditional versus contingent on one's successes and failures. A concern with such contingencies of interpersonal acceptance may be shared by all people to a degree, and indeed may be the basis of self-feelings and
2 socialization.
For example, in order to maintain a sense of secure relatedness to
others, children are generally motivated to act in ways that make significant others more responsive and nurturing, rather than anxious and rejecting. More recently, Leary, et.al, 1995 have argued that feelings of self-esteem proceed from a sense of acceptance by others.
Successes and failures, therefore, bolster or undermine
feelings of self-esteem precisely because they affect one's expectations of being accepted or rejected by others. The specific content of these contingencies may vary depending on one's culture and upbringing, of course, but most people would have no difficulty identifying socially-desirable traits and behaviors (e.g., success, competence, morality, physical attractiveness, social skills) that generally lead a person to be accepted and included by others, and corresponding negative traits and behaviors (failure, incompetence, immorality, unattractiveness, lack of social skills) that lead a person to be rejected or avoided by others. Self-esteem can be related to a person’s healthy development. Selfesteem is a complex construct that has been shown to be both positive and negative under different conditions in a person’s life. Most researchers investigating the relationship of self esteem and person’s behavior relative to activities such as sex have used a generalized or global self-esteem scale to determine participants’ selfesteem. Among studies reviewed, there was a consensus as to the conceptualization and operational definition of self-esteem. Realistically, very few researchers who have examined the relationship between self-esteem and sexual behavior have offered a concrete operational definition of self-esteem; writers and
3 readers have some intuitive common sense idea of what self-esteem is and what it does. It often seems necessary to spell out its nature and the process by which it operates; such an oversight can be very serious. Studies have shown that at least some aspects of self-esteem are related to sexual involvement. A significant number of today’s young Filipinos have engaged in premarital sex. How early does this happen affecting their selfesteem or not? What factors tend to encourage girls to have sexual contact prematurely in observance of the 21st century culture? The purpose of this study is to compare the self-esteem profile of virgins and non-virgins in an exclusive all girls’ school in mendiola. Considering that people now evolves in the 21st century, myriads of teenagers engage in sex anxiously. Influence is also to be considered even with the existence of norms and guidance. Subsequently, this research yields to the self-esteem of virgins and non-virgins, whether being a non-virgin affects the respondents’ self-esteem or lingering to the sanctity of being a virgin has a positive or negative impact towards self. Knowing that the recent culture enormously believes that virginity is not as important as it is.
Background of the Study La Consolacion College of Manila has been teaching women for over a hundred years. In April 06, 1883 four Augustinian sisters arrived in Manila from Barcelona, Spain. One of them Sor Rita Barcelo y Pages later became the foundress of the Augustinian sisters of Our Lady of Consolacion. With the
4 assistance of the Spanish Augustinian fathers, they settled in Mandaluyong and dedicate themselves to care for and educate the abandoned orphans of the 1882cholera epidemic. That taught them catechism, home arts, and needle work. Two years later, more Filipino aspirants to religious life joined the community and were trained to carry on the mission of which was the Asilo de Mandaloya. In 1880, the orphanage became a boarding school for girls called Asilo- Colegio de Mandaloya. Unfortunately, Philippine revolution of 1896 came forcing the founding sisters to go back to Spain. Other Augustinian sisters were told to disband but decided to pursue their vocation as Augustinian Religious, the following years the Congregation grew in Manila. In 1902, history was made. His Excellency Msgr. Chapelle, the Papal Nuncio offered the Augustinian sisters a house at R. Hidalgo st. Quiapo to establish a school for women called Colegio de la Consolacion. In 1909, with another mishap, the school was burned. But in 1910, the streets of San Rafael, Arlegui, and Mandiola surrounded the new building of Colegio de la Consolacion which served as classrooms and dormitory. Thus, Colegio de la Consolacion received government’s new recognition and a permit to include high school course. Alumnae Association was organized in 1926. An annex building was constructed due to the growing needs of the institution. When 1941 world war came most schools including Colegio de la Consolacion were occupied by the Japanese army forcing the school to close. In 1946, regular classes resumed. 1952 was La consolacion’s golden jubilee; the Office of the College Dean was established.
5 Moreover, the first course leading to a bachelor’s degree was offered. Hereafter, more courses were added in the curricular offering of the college department. Today, La Consolacion College offers multitude of courses from kindergarten to bachelor’s degree. Recognizably, for over a century La Consolacion College Manila has been teaching women from house work, needle work to molding them and preparing them towards their future, including development of personality. 2002 marked the confinement of nursing course in La Consolacion College. The school year 2005 comprises 894 nursing students from 1st year to 4th year. College students have wide variety of sexual experiences including those in La Consolacion College. Point of views towards life varies depending on age, upbringing and environment. Self-Esteem according to Myers, 1999, is ones opinion towards self; it is based on ones attitude. The way a person value self, job done, how others think, achievements, purpose in life, strengths and weaknesses. High self-esteem is an important aspect in ones life especially to college students striving hard to achieve success in life. Having a low self-esteem may deteriorate favorable achievements (Brown, et.al., 1994). La Consolacion College for instance, an all girls’ catholic school offering bachelors degree, unquestionably the practice of Catholicism and values still dominates the institution. But does it make a difference when comes to engaging in sexual activity? Values which are as important among other Filipino cultural standards, the Filipino culture is strict for its belief of preserving virginity, succumbing to premarital sex is immorality. Since it is the 21st century this belief is imprudent.
6 Teenagers are known to be impulsive, oblivious of the consequences. Furthermore, it is observed that the population of teenagers enrolled in an all girls school practices sexual acts daringly compared to teenagers from co-ed school. Self-esteem can predict when adolescent girls become sexually active -- regardless of when they reach puberty. A new study shows that girls with low self-esteem may be especially at risk for losing their virginity too soon. Researchers say becoming sexually active early in adolescence can create a variety of negative consequences. Although the relationship between self-esteem and sexual activity has been discussed often, few studies have looked at the issue as puberty sets in. Teenagers who feel incomplete, inadequate and unappreciated are more likely to seek comfort in a sexual relationship. But those with a life rich in relationships, family traditions, activities, interests and — most of all — consistent love and affirmation are less likely to embark on a desperate search for fulfillment that could lead to unwise sexual decisions. It is this point of view that the researchers will conduct a study comparing the self-esteem of virgins and non-virgins. In doing so, this research will determine if there is a conclusive evidence to say that self-esteem is or is not related to sexual behavior.
Theoretical Framework The theoretical assertion of the study was based on the theory by Stanley Coopersmith. Stanley Coopersmith’s theory indicates that self-esteem refers to the evaluation which the individual makes and customarily maintains with regard to himself: it expresses an attitude of approval or disapproval, and attests the extent to
7 which the individual believes himself to be capable, significant, successful, and worthy. In short, self-esteem is a personal judgment of worthiness that is expressed in attitudes the individual holds toward himself. Adolescents' and young adults' sexual attitudes and behaviors have been the focus of a flurry of research in the past decade. Of great concern are the high-risk behaviors engaged in by many adolescents and young adults (Desiderato & Crawford, 1995). Moreover, the incidence of high-risk sexual practices seems to be on the rise, especially on college campuses where norms of sexual permissiveness and multiple partners are influential. Placing these behaviors in the context of adolescents' and young adults' normative developmental preoccupation with sexual exploration and experimentation highlights the complexity of their sexual risk-taking, challenging research and the development of prevention and intervention applications.Shaver and Hazan offered some initial predictions about sexual experiences characteristic of each attachment style: Secure individuals experience greater mutual intimacy and pleasure in sexual relationships, avoidant individuals tend toward promiscuity in an effort to maintain emotional distance, and anxious individuals use sex to satisfy their needs for security and love.(Shaver & Hazan, 1990). College students arrive on campus having had sexual experiences ranging from abstinence to intercourse and a variety of activities in between. They may have sex alone or with others; they may be acting under the influence of alcohol, experimenting with new sexual feelings, or forcing or coercing a partner. Although many adults may think that the sexual revolution is over, it's not so clear
8 to today's college students. In fact, students today are engaging in the same sexual behaviors that students engaged in during the 1970s. So, just what are college students' chief concerns regarding sexuality? The most frequently mentioned are virginity, pregnancy, disease, non-consensual sexual encounters, sexual orientation, and sexual functioning. But college health personnel and university administrators have somewhat different priorities. University officials tend to worry about alcohol use, misuse, and abuse, and its impact on sexual behavior, including risky sexual encounters and acquaintance rape.Sex is still the number one issue students want to talk about. When having a chat about sex, it will be heard that, while they are engaging in sexual activity, students carry with them a good deal of baggage, packed with their desires, anxieties, and inhibitions. Whether the issue is intimacy or alcohol, university staff must be aware of what students have to say and be prepared with appropriate resources
9
LA CONSOLACION NURSING STUDENTS
VIRGIN
NON VIRGIN
SELF ESTEEM
Figure 1. Paradigm of the Study The figure shows two classification which is the virgin and non virgin from La Consolacion College. Diagram visually constricts the focus of the study to help determine and fully understand the self-esteem profile of the respondents.
10
Statement of the Problem In every topic that is constructed there is a problem, by which this study aims to measure the differences of the self esteem of selected virgins and non virgins of La Consolacion College. Specifically, this study sought to answer the following questions: 1. What is the measured self-esteem of the participants when grouped according to: a.virgins b.non-virgins 2.Is there a significant difference in the self-esteem level between virgins and non-virgins?
Hypothesis Null form capitalized the research hypothesis of the study. In reference to selfesteem and pre marital sex, an average self esteem level will be reported by the virgins as well as the non virgins of randomly selected respondents of La Consolacion College, therefore explicating that there are no significant differences adjacent to the self esteem level of virgins and non virgins.
Significance of the Study As part of the attempt to understand self-esteem, researchers worldwide suggests that a person’s self-esteem may be evaluated. Derived from the data collected the
11 research study delineated to benefit the following; Psychologists, teenagers, students, counselors. The proposed research may find insights and interests toward self-esteem and sexual behavior of teenager’s or what is popularly known as campus sexuality. So as they may analyze which the favorable factors are when it comes to self-esteem. To the Field of Psychology which hopefully continues their endless research on how to gain favorable self-esteem may it be positive or negative. Likewise, the inputs of the study are beneficial to the students to gain further understanding towards self-esteem which is only an opinion to oneself. And to provide the most effective treatment possible, counselors may recognize whether self-esteem is created through success, or whether it is created through making a person feel better about themselves without having to accomplish anything the client may feel better about himself in session but be disappointed to find his new found self-esteem vanish when confronted with the challenges of real life. The conducted research also benefits the religious movements towards premarital sex. Religion is one of the major influences in the lives of Filipinos. Being concerned with the transmission of restrictive moral standards in sexuality; religion may discourage the participation of the young in the risk behaviors. The conservative teaching of the Catholic Church which forbids the use of modern methods condom and contraceptive pills may have constrained the use of contraceptives and may have contributed to the low level of contraceptive practice among young Filipinos (Marquez, 2004).
12 To the parents, that will hopefully stop avoiding and talking issues about sexual risky behaviors with their children. This will also help the teachers and school administrator to give comprehension and extend their understanding to those in need of help towards self-esteem. Though a lot of studies have been done regarding the subject, further research must be conducted to be able to amplify perception towards self-esteem.
Scope and Limitation of the Study For the acquisition of significance, exertion of statistical methods and techniques was used; preferably descriptive method to determine the self-esteem profile of selected students from La Consolacion College Manila. Out of the 894 population of BS Nursing students which was the scope of the study and determinants in achieving the self esteem profile, 500 were selected to answer the Women’s Health Questionnaire and Coopersmith Self Esteem Profile. Researchers conducted the study during the school year 2005-2006. From the 500 only 30 virgins and 30 non-virgins were selected using the snow-balling technique for the analysis of data. Answers will also depend upon the openness and honesty of the respondents.
Definition of Terms The following terms are defined operationally: Non-virgin -inexperienced person to sexual intercourse
13 Nursing Students - currently enrolled in nursing course anxious to help physically ill people. Profile - A formal summary or analysis of data, representing distinctive features or characteristics. Selected - Chosen or preferred items or people considered as a group.
Self-Esteem - a feeling of pride in yourself, the quality of being worthy of esteem or respect including self worth, attractiveness, and social competence. Virgin - A person who has not experienced sexual intercourse
14
Chapter II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES This study deals with different gathered materials such as journals, magazine, studies, literature of local and foreign authors.
Foreign Literature Today, everyone seems to know what self-esteem is. But when we stop to think about what the feeling of self-esteem is made of and how it comes about, we see what a complex matter it really is. A great deal has been written on the topic as it relates to psychoanalysis, especially as a part of the sweeping interest in narcissism; indeed, from a psychoanalytic perspective, disturbances of self-esteem belong to the realm of narcissistic disorders. Recently, there has also been a dramatic rise in the number of studies dealing with the complex topic of the ”self” I cannot embark on a detailed discussion of the various views that have been argued here, preferring to restrict myself to a few points directly relevant to our topic. Self-esteem refers to the worth or dignity that one ascribes to oneself. The word “esteem” derived from the Latin word aestimare, denotes an estimation that I make of my own value. This is relevant in connection with the problem of shame-
15 anxiety, since one could describe shame as a “guardian” of dignity. Shame-anxiety puts us on guard against “undignified” behavior, sensitizing us to whether or not a given event will be experienced as “degrading.” The word “dignity” sounds a bit old-fashioned, even pompous to us today. We think of “dignitaries” occupying exalted positions or “reverend fathers” comporting themselves with “dignity.” To say that “it is beneath my dignity” to get mixed up with someone or something can easily make one sound arrogant. It is attempted to define self esteem which is very difficult, although it is clearly an extremely important concept in psychology. It is briefly referred to as the emergence of self as a development of the individual's personality. Personality may be simplistically defined as the self acquired through the development of adequate role performance. The concept of the acquisition includes the total socialization process that prepares the individual for social action and the humanization process. The orientation process of social action includes all the values, attitudes, norms, and mores -- all the codes of behavior that the culture provides for orderly conduct. It is only by reference to these codes or standards of behavior that people are able to even tentatively define normal, neurotic, or deviant behavior. Self esteem develops in a social milieu (or social world), which is a part of the total culture in which the individual is socialized. In the striving for superiority, or goal striving, it is evident that the individual sets goals that are consistent with those of the culture and fundamentally consistent with status positions created by the culture. The culture is comprised of two dynamic aspects: the "organic," or technological, material construct, and the "superorganic," the aspect of culture that
16 is concerned with ideas, philosophies, values, standards, norms, and so forth. People live in a period in which culture changes rapidly, in that many of the old values and attitudes that were a part of the primary institutions are no longer viable. Social and economic inequality and prejudice against those who are disadvantaged have occurred in almost all societies (Branscombe, et.al, 1994). Although the magnitude of inequality differs across societies and in societies over time, almost every society has differences in economic resources, power, and social regard available to groups in that
society. The question that should be addressed
is what are the effects of the inequality on the self esteem of members of disadvantaged groups? Social inequality and prejudice have many pernicious effects on disadvantaged individuals, and the focus on self esteem does not imply that the feeling is the most important consequence of prejudice and inequality. Nonetheless, effects on self esteem are interesting and important for several reasons. First, self esteem is a central aspect of the subjective experience and quality of life. It is powerfully related to variables that
influence the affective
tone of people's daily experience, with those who have high self esteem reporting, for example, more positive affect ( Lind et. al, 1997 ), more life satisfaction ( Tajfel, 1995), less hopelessness (Bourhis, 1994), and fewer depressive symptoms than do individuals who are low in self esteem. In a review of the literature, Berry (1994) concluded that self esteem is the strongest predictor of life satisfaction.
17
Local Literature The majority of members of a convenience sample of 1,355 urban university students in metropolitan Manila, the Philippines, were sexually abstinent (83%). Most were knowledgeable about AIDS, about pregnancy risk and about contraception in general (60-88%), but only 20% had adequate knowledge about condoms. Approximately 90% of all students held no accepting attitudes toward premarital and recreational sex. Males were more likely than females to have ever had sexual intercourse (30% vs. 7%), and they were better informed about condoms and about contraception in general. Sexually abstinent students were more likely than sexually active students to attend church regularly (76% vs. 64%) and to feel that premarital sex was unacceptable (92% vs. 67%). Males who disapproved of premarital sex were nearly three times as likely, and females who did so were nearly seven times as likely, to abstain from sex as were their peers who held more accepting views. Young women who did not have a sister who had experienced an adolescent pregnancy were nearly six times more likely than those with such a sibling to abstain from intercourse. A substantial amount of research has been conducted in developed countries on the negative outcomes that may accompany early sexual activity. Unprotected sexual intercourse can result in unwanted pregnancies and abortions and places young people at an increased risk of infection with HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases. Moreover, pregnant adolescents may go on to become adolescent mothers, who typically have low educational attainment and face
18 economic disadvantage .Similar outcomes may occur in less-developed countries such as the Philippines. In the 1995 nationwide Young Adult Fertility Survey (YAFS) of 11,000 Filipino males and females aged 15-24, the majority (82%) reported never having had sexual intercourse (74% of males and 89% of females). These results are similar to those reported among young Filipino women in the first YAFS conducted in 1982. The majority of young Filipino adults choose to abstain from sex until they are married, perhaps as a consequence of the traditional values fostered through the church, the family and like-minded peers. Given the risks of unprotected sexual intercourse during the adolescent years, it is important to obtain a comprehensive understanding of those factors associated with protective behaviors like sexual abstinence, as well as to address the needs of young people who may be at risk of engaging in unprotected sexual intercourse. Many diverse factors influence adolescents' level of sexual risk-taking behaviors. Poverty, race, ethnicity, religiosity, age at puberty, peer relations, school performance, involvement in other risk-taking behaviors and family composition and relationships have all been identified as determinants of adolescent sexual behavior among youths in the United States. Similar factors have been recognized as antecedents of premarital sex among young adult Filipinos. Research indicates that Filipino youths as a whole remain traditional in their values and actions regarding premarital sex. However, continued research and updated assessments are needed to accurately examine both the protective and high-risk behaviors and attitudes of Filipino youths. The aim of
19 this study was to determine the correlates of sexual abstinence (defined as not having had sex during one's lifetime) by examining those factors most likely to be associated with adolescent premarital sexual intercourse. Understanding these correlates will be useful in developing interventions to maintain protective behavior.
Foreign Studies Schools are the one in the society regularly attended by most young people – nearly 95% of all youth aged 5-20 years are enrolled (National Statistics, 1993) Furthermore, virtually all youth attend schools for years before they initiate sexual risk-taking behaviors, and the majorities are enrolled at the time they initiate intercourse. There are a variety of kinds of evidence suggesting that being in school does reduce sexual risk – taking behavior. In a multitude of developing countries around the world, as the percentage of girls completing elementary school has increased over time the teen birth rates have decrease. In the United States, youth who have dropped out of school are more likely to initiate sex earlier (Rindfuss, 1998), to fail to use contraception (Oslak, 1999), to become pregnant and to give birth (Manlove, 1998). In addition, among youth who are in school, grater attachment is associated with less sexual risk-taking. In particular, investment in school, school involvement, attachment to school, or school performance have been found to be related to age of initiation of sex, frequency of sex, pregnancy, and childbearing. Plans to attend college are also related to invitation of sex, use of condoms, use of contraception, pregnancy and child bearing (Blum, 2000).
20 Given the threat of AIDS, as well as the threat of other STDs and pregnancy, more than 300 schools without school-based clinics have begun making the 92 schools which make condoms available to students through school – based clinics. The number of condom obtained by students from school varies greatly from program to program. In some schools student obtain very few condoms from the school; white in other schools they obtain large numbers (Kirby & Brown, 1986). In general, when schools make condoms available in baskets (a barrier-free method), students obtain many more condoms than when they must obtain condoms from school personnel or from vending machines. Finally, if schools have clinics, students obtain many more condoms than when schools do not have clinics. Gender differences have also been absent in older adolescents (Wade, 1991) and adults (Hayes et al., 1999), it is also possible that women’s self-esteem increases and/or men’s self-esteem drops between adolescence and adulthood. One reason for gender differences in self-esteem may be that people’s overall view of themselves is based partly on how satisfied they are with their bodies, and body satisfaction differs between man and women. Age trends in self-esteem might have a similar basis if body satisfaction also varies with age. Research on adolescent’s anxiety has been dominated by classical turmoil theory
and
more
recent
normality
theory.
Turmoil
theory
emphasizes
psychodynamics, such as coming to terms with sexuality and identity, whereas normality theory de-emphasizes turmoil and conflict (Collins, 1991). Recent research into adolescence has been divided into psychobiological and psychosocial areas. Dusek (1997) offered two models to explain the effect of biological change in
21 adolescence. The direct-effects model proposes a direct relationship between physiological changes and psychological development. However, the mediatedeffects model proposes a much wider range of responsibility for psychological development, including individual, cultural, and social factors. Fear, when defined a normal reaction to a real or imagined threat, has been identified as a phenomenon from clinical fear or phobia (Gullone & King, 1993). Ollendick, King, and Farry (1999) found that females and preadolescence reported more fear than did males and adolescents. However, in a later study, no age effect was found (Ollendick, Yule, & Oilier, 1991). Fear reactions, including panic attacks and phobias, arise from three fundamental fears: anxiety sensitivity, fear of negative evaluation, and injury/illness sensitivity (Taylor, 1993). Anxiety sensitivity, which involves the fear of anxiety symptoms, occurs as a result of the belief that anxiety has harmful somatic, psychological, or social consequences. According to Reiss (1991), fundamental fears provide the basis for learning a wide range of stimuli, while common fears do not. For individuals attending residential colleges, this period of exploration may be intensified by the experiences of living away from home for the first time, and living in an environment surrounded by many social, political, religious, and interest-related activities. In terms of sexuality, individuals are mire likely to be sexually active in emerging adulthood compared to high-school, but they are also less likely than younger individuals to use condoms (CDC, 2000). In addition, college students feel more accepting of casual sex and feel less guilt about sex than do younger individuals (Chara & Kuennen, 1994) love and dating are qualifiedly
22 different during emerging adulthood than they are during adolescence, with more focus on sexuality as its relates to developing once on identity (Arnett, 2000). Most study on religiosity and sexuality has focus on sexual behaviors rather than sexual attitudes (Samuels, 1997). These studies provide important information about how religiosity maybe protective for individuals. Included sexual attitude have focused on general conservatism permissiveness towards sex but have not examine other attitudes that may place emerging adults at risk for negative outcomes, such attitudes about HIV or condoms. During emerging adulthood, attitudes about sexuality may develop and solidify, and thus religiosity has important implications not only for sexual behaviors, but also for sexual attitudes. In addition to research on identity and behavior, another relatively frequently examine area is religious attitudes or the important of religion. Reference group theory suggests that identifying with a particular religion will lead individuals to avoid sexual behaviors because of the teachings of there religion, more religious individuals engaged in fewer sexual activities and have more conservative attitudes about sex. Less research has address perceptions of religion’s negative sanctions towards sexual behavior or the adherence to these sanctions, if emerging adults use there religious institutions as reference groups, then perceptions of there religions’ negative sanctions should influence their sexual behavior and attitudes. A substantial amount of research indicates that parents play an important role in the lives of children and adolescents (Henricson & Roker, 2000; Liddle, Rowe, Dakof, & Lyke, 1998; Maccoby, 1992; Smetana, 1999), although there have been claims to the contrary (Harris, 1998). According to recent research, supportive
23 parenting is linked to adolescent self-esteem (Dekovic & Meeus, 1997; Spoth, Redmond, Hockaday, & Yoo, 1996; Rice, 1990). Conversely, lack of parental support is cited as a strong correlate of adolescent substance problems and delinquent behavior (Simons, Lin, & Gordon, 1998). Barber (1992) has linked poor parental supervision to adolescent problem behavior. Frick (1993) has reported the association of low parental supervision and lack of knowledge of the adolescent's activities with adolescent behavior problems. Similar findings linking poor parental monitoring and adolescent behavior problems were also reported by Ary and colleagues (1999) and Dishion and McMahon (1998). Forehand, Miller, Dutra, and Chance (1997) found an association between parental monitoring and lower levels of adolescent deviant behavior. Perception plays an important role in behavior. Research suggests that the adolescent's perception of the parenting behavior may have greater influence on adolescent behavior. For example, researchers have found that a mother's report of her disapproval was only weakly linked to lower teen sexuality. Instead, the daughter's perception of the mother's views was related more powerfully to the daughter's delaying sex (Jaccard, Dittus, & Gordon, 1998). Similar studies examining these differences have found the adolescent's perception of the parent's behavior to be more valid and predictive of adolescent behavior. Gonzales, Cauce, and Mason (1996) examined agreement between mothers and daughters of maternal support and maternal control against independent observer ratings. It was found that adolescent ratings of these maternal behaviors were more valid than those reported by the mother.
24 Adolescent exploratory behavior involving positive and negative risks can engender stress or insecurity and prompt the need for "felt security". One of the critical dimensions of this felt security is the support provided by parents. Bowlby (1993) explicitly referred to parental support as essential to firmly establish healthy autonomy. According to Bowlby, "the family experience of those who grow up to become relatively stable and self-reliant is characterized by unfailing parental support". Thus, parental support, though narrower in scope, reflects attachment bonds. The adolescent's internalized schema of parental support during adolescence facilitates the adolescent's ability to safely negotiate autonomy toward healthy, adaptive functioning. In addition to support, perceptions of monitoring also coincide with concepts in Bowlby's theory. Bowlby posits a second class of behaviors related to attachment, which he labeled caregiving behavior. Bowlby defines caregiving as "serving a complementary function, that of protecting the attached individual". Bowlby refers to caregiving parents as likely to keep a watchful eye" and "ready to act at the shortest notice". In adolescence, increased exploration and autonomy require parental monitoring as reflected in knowledge of their adolescent's daily activities and peer relationships. Parental monitoring, then, provides guidance in navigating the environmental opportunities and dangers. The enduring and pervasive influence of the parent-child bond is a hallmark of attachment theory. As Bowlby stated, "for most individuals the bond to parents continues into adult life and affects behavior in countless ways". The findings from this study provide evidence that extends and partially confirms propositions in
25 attachment theory. Attachment theory postulates that bonds with parents have an important bearing on future relationships. The findings from
studies provide
evidence that parental support, a crucial dimension of attachment, is related to peer relations. According to an attachment model, parental support contributes to the schema that the adolescent develops about relationships, and the schema provides a basis for interpretation and action in relationships with peers. Besides confirming the hypothesized link between parental bonds and peer relations, the findings also provide evidence that parental support is associated with positive perceptions of the self. Attachment theory does not directly advance an explanation for the mechanism by which supportive parent bonds benefit the individual's sense of oneself. One explanation consistent with attachment theory, however, is that individual attachment schema includes the representation of the image of the self in the parent's eyes. Another explanation is that the supportive attachment promotes successful environmental experiences, and that these successes result in positive self-esteem. Future longitudinal research might explore these or other competing explanations for the relationship between support and selfesteem. The present studies also provides evidence for a link between parental support and successful and safe expoloration of the environment. All of the risk factors assessed in the study were lower in conditions of high parental support. Adolescents who perceived their parents as supportive were more likely to have less delinquency, school misconduct, drug, and alcohol abuse. The findings provide an extension of attachment theory in suggesting that supportive relationships provide
26 the adolescent with a coherent schema. The schema provides a map that allows for judicious exploration of the environment and avoidance of problematic or dangerous aspects of the environment. It should be noted, however, that the links between parental support and risk behaviors are more modest than the effects of parental support on self-esteem. The rather modest association between parental support and risk indicates that other factors enter the explanation of adolescent risk behavior. Commonly attributed factors might include temperament or genetic predispositions toward risk taking. In addition, peer relationship networks that support more risky behavior might also contribute. There is some evidence in the current study that peer pressure could mediate the process. Low parental support was related to greater importance of peer pressure, which was in turn related to peer pressure, which was in turn related to substance abuse and misconduct. Besides attachment,
present studies also examined a construct that we
hypothesized would be related to what Bowlby called a "complementary class" of caregiving behaviors. Bowlby advanced the notion of a complementary class of behaviors that served a parallel function, that of insuring the survival and adaptation of the offspring. The decision to engage in sexual behavior with another person is greatly influenced by the level of emotional investment and love felt for the individual. Although actual practice may not always follow expressed attitudes and expectations perfectly (Cohen & Shotland, 1996), attitudes in the U.S. generally indicate greater approval for sexual behavior in relationships characterized by more
27 emotional investment or stronger commitment to the relationship. Several studies have examined the extent to which people actually initiate sexual behavior in specific emotional contexts or relationship stages (outside of the traditional distinction between premarital and marital intercourse; (Cohen & Shotland, 1996). Research has demonstrated that the likelihood of sexual behavior increases with increasing intimacy, commitment, and progression to later stages of relationship involvement. Of course, not all sexual behavior is initiated in the context of developing or established relationships. Some environments are more conducive to interest in casual sexual behavior, such as with the college culture and the phenomenon of hookups. A hookup is defined as "... a sexual encounter, usually lasting only one night, between two people who are strangers or brief acquaintances" (Paul, McManus, & Hayes, 2000). The two people typically have little expectation of further involvement, with the sole or primary goal being to experience the sexual encounter. A second example of sexual contexts that are not oriented toward relationship enhancement is the tradition of taking trips on spring break vacation; norms associated with spring break trips permit, and even promote, sexual encounters between strangers with little expectation of further involvement (Maticka-Tyndale, Herold, & Mewhinney, 1998).
Moreover, some individuals are
more likely to be interested in casual sex than are others. For example, in one study college students lower in self-esteem, higher in dispositional exhibitionism, less likely to indicate a secure attachment style, and higher in some aspects of fear of intimacy were more likely to experience hookups (Paul et al., 2000). However, the
28 concern of the current investigation regarded factors that relate to the initiation of sexual behavior between individuals who are interested in cultivating a long-term relationship with one another. It is likely that the factors that affect the initiation process in developing relationships is different from factors affecting the process for people not interested in forming a relationship with a sexual partner. Within the framework of the investment model of relationship commitment ( Rusbult, Martz, & Agnew, 1998), commitment is conceived to be influenced by satisfaction with the relationship, the quality of alternatives to the relationship, and investment of resources in the relationship. According to this model, satisfaction contributes to a dependence on the relationship, a state in which individuals come to rely uniquely on the relationship for desired outcomes. To the extent that others outside of the relationship are not able to provide similar levels of desired outcomes, commitment to the relationship is strengthened by the experience of greater satisfaction. Intimacy is a major component of satisfaction that is often uniquely available from a romantic relationship (Rusbult et al., 1998), and in the current study emotional investment is conceived as an aspect of dependence on the relationship for the experience of such intimacy. Because this type of unique intimacy implies a special trust and a mutual concern for romantic partners' feelings, sexual behavior generally becomes more likely with increasing intimacy and emotional investment in a relationship, given that sexual involvement is generally viewed as a highly restricted and uniquely private type of interaction. Although research has established the major role of emotional investment and relationship commitment in affecting the likelihood of sexual behavior, the
29 specific behaviors that create the level of emotional investment relevant to initiation of sexual behavior have yet to be thoroughly examined. Closeness and intimacy have been measured in previous researches on sexual behavior employing global evaluations of the level of intimacy characterizing the relationship: that is, ratings of general, subjective impressions of the overall nature of the relationship. The exception to this approach is the study by Christopher and Cate (1995); in which in that study, couples were asked about the types of behaviors related to maintaining the relationship in which they had engaged at various stages of the relationship. The occurrence of such behaviors was linked to the timing of the initiation of sexual behavior. However, few other studies have focused on this level of behavioral specificity. Within the investment model, satisfaction has been measured employing global assessments of overall satisfaction levels in a relationship at a particular point in time. Yet, such impressions are presumably based on individual interactions with a romantic partner over an extended period of time. Specific actions, gestures, expressions, and verbalizations combine to create rewarding emotional experiences in given situations that accumulate to create such overall perceptions of satisfaction. Within the framework of the investment model of relationship commitment ( Rusbult et al., 1998), rewards are assumed to accumulate over time within satisfying relationships, increasing satisfaction and commitment. However, very little research has been conducted to document the process through which greater levels of satisfaction develop from rewarding interactions in the relationship. That is, research has not focused on the specific nature and type of the interpersonal
30 transactions that constitute the rewards. In a related vein, the specific types of rewarding interactions that increase the likelihood of sexual behavior in a particular situation have not received substantial attention. Yet, a detailed and thorough understanding of exactly how emotional intimacy and commitment lead to sexual involvement is possible only by examining specific interactions and the specific factors that promote intimate interactions (c.f. Hill, 1996, 1997b; Mischel, 1999). Increasingly, evidence indicates that behavior occurs as a joint probability of both situational and personal factors (Vansteelandt & Van Mechelen, 1998). That is, behaviors do not occur unconditionally (with 100% probability) given the presence of a single, albeit very important, factor, such as the development of a high level of general intimacy in a relationship. Rather, the probability of a specific behavior is determined by "if ... then ..." conditionality (Mischel & Shoda, 1995, 1998). This means that for a given type of personal characteristic, if a particular type of situation occurs then a specific behavior will occur. From the conditional probability perspective, the likelihood of sexual behavior occurring within a relationship may be viewed as jointly determined by the level of emotional investment felt in the relationship and by the occurrence of a sexually instigating situation. Even given a high level of intimacy in a relationship, some specific event, condition, or interaction takes place that causes individuals to experience sexual interest, and defines sexual behavior as possible and appropriate in that situation. Individuals involved in highly intimate relationships do not behave intimately with one another all the time in all interactions; rather, they engage in intimate behaviors only in particular, intimacy-appropriate situations. This is
31 especially true with sexual behavior, given the highly regulated and restrictive rules governing the appropriateness of this type of behavior. Extrapolating from the conditional probability view (Mischel & Shoda, 1995, 1998), it is expected that the if/then relationship for sexually conducive situations and sexual behavior varies across stages of relationship involvement. Relationship stage may be expected to modify perceptions of the sexually conducive situation in terms of the degree to which it is sexually arousing and the degree to which sexual behavior is appropriate. The first aspect of the hypothesis guiding the current study, therefore, was that individuals will indicate greater likelihood of engaging in sexual behavior in response to sexually inviting behavior of a hypothetical partner (the sexually conducive situation) at more established relationship stages (i.e., involved in a long-term, committed relationship) compared to less-established relationship stages (i.e., involved in a dating relationship for a short time). Yet another qualification of the relationship between the sexually conducive situation and the relationship stage is the specific way in which the situation provides the opportunity for sexual behavior. An especially significant factor in determining whether behavior will occur is the nature of the rewards or positive .experiences afforded by the situation (Heckhausen, 1991), with situations varying in the extent to which they provide particular rewarding experiences. In the case of sexual behavior, a major factor affecting whether sexual behavior will be perceived as a rewarding experience is the degree to which it is linked to emotional investment, as indicated previously. The occurrence of a sexually conducive
32 situation in itself may not be expected to result in sexual behavior, in some. cases even in the context of a more established relationship. To the extent that a sexually relevant situation conveys or reinforces perceptions of emotional investment, sexual behavior will be more likely to be perceived as rewarding and as less likely to involve substantial cost ( Cohen & Shotland, 1996; Sprecher et al., 1995). To examine various types of sexually relevant situations that differ in terms of emotional investment, a recent theoretical model of factors that motivate sexual behavior (Hill, 1997a; Hill & Preston, 1996) was employed to identify dimensions that influence perceptions of investment in sexual situations. The model maintains that the availability or perceived likelihood of eight types of rewarding interpersonal experiences, called incentives, increases sexual interest and the probability of sexual behavior. These incentives are the rewards or goals of a given interpersonal situation that motivate sexual behavior. The emotional experiences perceived to result from interaction with a partner therefore constitute the rewarding experience or incentive available in that situation. Within this framework, pairs of the incentives may be conceived as counterparts to one another, in that one incentive in a pair focuses on actions and emotions of an individual and the counterpart incentive focuses on actions and emotions of the partner. Specifically, one pair of sexual incentives involves a sense of affection and positive regard resulting from sexual interaction: feeling valued by one's partner and expressing value for one's partner.
33 A second pair of incentives is related to compassion: providing nurturance and comfort to one's partner and
receiving comfort and relief from stress or
negative emotional states. A third pair involves expressions of power: exerting power or feeling powerful over one's partner and submitting to the power of one's partner. The remaining two incentives, experiencing pleasure and sensuality and wanting to procreate, are not counterparts in same way as the above three pairs. However, previous research (Hill, 1997a; Hill & Preston, 1996) suggests that a pleasure orientation may be somewhat contrary to a procreation orientation, with a focus on procreation involving a negative attitude about pleasure. Situations explicitly conveying emotional investment. Partner behaviors providing two specific pairs of incentives are hypothesized to explicitly communicate a sense of emotional investment in the individual and in the relationship: the affection incentives and the compassion incentives. This is because they focus on the individual as a unique, valuable, and worthy person. Explicitly expressing feelings of affection and attraction for a person, or focusing on positive features, implies that the partner will desire future contact and is likely to engage in similarly positive interactions in the future. Consequently, the sexual incentives of feeling valued by partner or expressing value for partner are hypothesized to enhance the sense of emotional investment, trustworthiness, and intimacy within an interaction. Expressing concern for negative events that have happened to the partner and attempting to soothe feelings of stress, anger, and unhappiness (relevant to the nurturance sexual incentive) even more directly conveys a sense of emotional
34 investment in the partner. The counterpart behavior of indicating a desire for support and understanding (relevant to the need for comfort sexual incentive) is also likely to bolster the perception of emotional investment because of the trust and confidence implied by the request for support (Collins & Feeney, 2000). A fifth incentive, procreation, is additionally proposed to strongly communicate a sense of emotional investment. Wanting to have a child with a person explicitly indicates an interest in establishing and maintaining intimacy, and being cooperative and supportive in raising the children. Interest in having children with a partner may also imply that an individual will be concerned about the wellbeing of the children and the partner in the future. This goes to the heart of the phenomenon of commitment, and indicates the potential for emotional investment in the partner. Within the investment model (Rusbult et al., 1998), expressing an interest in having children would be conceptualized as an interest in investing very important resources, a major factor in increasing commitment to the relationship. In sexually relevant situations, conveying the desire to have children with a partner affords the sexual incentive of procreation. Situations not explicitly conveying emotional investment. Partner behaviors related to the remaining three incentives (partner power, power, and pleasure) were not assumed to convey a sense of emotional investment in the absence of additional information provided by an ongoing, enduring relationship. Nonetheless, in some contexts the opportunity to express or experience power produces sexual arousal and excitement rather than fear, anger, revulsion, or other negative emotional reactions for both men and women ( Hill, 1996, 1997a). Many individuals interested
35 in expressions of power engage in power-related forms of sexual behavior to satisfy sexual fantasies and obtain sexual gratification (Arndt, 1991), rather than to serve as a means of expressing anger toward or intimidating their partner. Although associations between power and sex may be related to sexual aggression (Zurbriggen, 2000), other elements must come into play in order for the power-sex-aggression linkage to develop. These additional factors may include possession of lower levels of dispositional responsibility (Zurbriggen, 2000), biased perception by men of women's hostility toward unwanted sexual advances (Malamuth & Brown, 1994), positive attitudes of men toward violence against women, generalized hostility by men toward women, general acceptance of interpersonal violence in nonsexual situations, and specific attraction toward sexual coercion.
Research has generally indicated that no single factor individually
accounts for the tendency to engage in sexual coercion ( Zurbriggen, 2000).Nonetheless without the existence of prior mutual understandings and experirnces, behaviors involving the expression of power may suggest a lack of concern for partner a concerns about gaining an advantage over the partner, or a desire to obtain somathing against a person’s will, to embarass or humiliate, or even to physically hurt the person ( Byers and O’Sullivcan,1998). Ar minimum, powerassertive behaviors typically do not actively reinforce the sense that an individual is concerned about the well-being and self-esteem of the partner; instead, powerassertive behaviore cast the partner in a low-status , potentially semeaning position. Because of the inherent message of being concerned with one’s own well-being and superior status, therefore power assertive behaviors were hypothesized not to
36 inherently communicate a sense of trustworthiness or emotional investment in the partner. Even partner behaviors indicating a willingness to be controlled and dominated may involve motivations that are not necessarily based on any special investment in a romantic partner. Instead, the act of submission may be construed in more negative ways in earlier stages of a relationship, or even in the later stages if the behavior is uncharacteristic of a long-term relationship partner. However, the intentions of a partner one has known for only a short period of time will necessarily be less clear than those of a more familiar partner (Davila, Karney, & Bradbury, 1999; Klohnan & John, 1998). In this case, willingness to be submissive may be perceived as strange and bizarre, possibly indicating unstable or maladaptive tendencies; alternatively, it could be perceived as an attempt to convey a false sense of weakness for the purpose of masking a strategy to disadvantage or harm the individual. For these reasons, behaviors relevant to both the power and partner power incentives (sexual incentives e and f above) are conceived as not inherently conveying a sense of emotional investment in the relationship partner. Likewise, without further information provided by significant experience with a relationship partner, attempts to engage in pleasure and physical sensuality suggest a self-focus with no necessary regard for the individual. Traditionally, a focus on physical, carnal aspects of sexuality has been viewed as antithetical to, and even destructive of, loftier, more spiritual elements of intimacy (Bullough & Bullough, 1995). Unless it occurs in the context of other indicators of emotional investment in a partner, the sense that an individual is strongly interested in experiencing physical
37 stimulation and gratification with a partner conveys no intrinsic sense of emotional investment in and commitment to the maintenance of the relationship. Consequently, in potentially sexual situations, behaviors relevant to pleasure (sexual incentive above) were hypothesized not to explicitly convey a sense of emotional investment. Virtually without exception, women report dramatically more negative feelings about sexual behavior between individuals who have little emotional investment in one another, although women and men express more similar and more positive feelings about sexual behavior in loving or committed relationships (Cohen & Shotland, 1996; Oliver & Hyde, 1993). The greater emphasis by women on the importance of sexual behavior occurring within a caring, committed relationship is consistent with the demands of female gender-role norms. A central feature of such norms is a valuing of interpersonal warmth and an orientation to maintaining relationships (Wood, Christensen, Hebl, & Rothgerber, 1997). In keeping with their more permissive sexual attitudes, men expect to engage in sexual behavior earlier in a relationship (Cohen & Shotland, 1996) and are more likely to expect sex regardless of the physical attractiveness of the partner and in the absence of emotional closeness (Cohen & Shotland, 1996). Likewise, men report desiring more frequent sex than is actually occurring at the time in the relationship in which they are involved, particularly in its earlier stages. Given the greater concern of woman about emotional investment, it is logical to expect that the extent to which sexual behavior is perceives as positive and desirable will depend to a much greater extent foe women than men on whether it is linked to
38 intimacy and commitment. For this reason, men were hypothesized to indicate greater likelihood of sexual behavior than women at earlier relationship stages, when the oppurtunity for sexual behavior occurs in situations not explicitly conveying emotional investment.Yet, self-reported likelihood of sexual behavior was expected to be equivalent for women and men with lower
investment
situations at more involved relationship stages; this is because emotional investment and commitment are typically more established in the relationship itself at these stages. In other words, for sexual situations not intrisincally conveying emotional investment, a statistical interaction between relationship stage and gender was predicted, with self reported likelihood of sexual behavior affected by relationship stage to a greater extent for women and men. Again, this predicted pattern contrasts with that expected for situations conveying greater emotional investment, as indicated previously. Research based on the eight-dimension model of sexual motivation has supported the existence of stable differences in the value individuals place on each of the eight incentives (Hill & Preston, 1996). Enduring interest in a sexual incentive is referred to as a dispositional sexual motive, in keeping with the more general concept of dispositional motive (Heckhausen, 1991). The nature of individuals' reactions to sexual incentives afforded in a given situation will be determined, at least to some extent, by the strength of their dispositional motives. Strong interest in an available incentive is likely to lead to an increased motivational state and intensified behavior focused on experiencing the incentive, with less dispositional interest likely to be related to lower levels of motivation and
39 behavior. For example, an individual with a strong dispositional power motive would be expected to react differently to a situation in which a partner indicated a willingness to be dominated, compared to how an individual with less of a power motive would react to such a partner. The strong-motive individual would be more likely to display signals indicating increased psychological and physical arousal in this situation, to become more alert to further signals of interest from the partner, to attempt strategies of inspiring further interest by the partner in power-related sexual behavior, and to attempt to initiate power-related sexual behaviors. In the same type of situation, the individual with less of a power motive would react to such a partner with little or no increase in arousal and few or no behaviors directed at initiating power-related sexual behaviors. Consequently, the dispositional strength of interest in each of the eight sexual incentives was measured to control for differences in reactions to the hypothetical interpersonal situations presented to participants in the current study. To examine the effect of differences among situations in terms of the emotional investment conveyed by the hypothetical partner, participants were asked to respond to partner behaviors described in eight scenarios regarding their likelihood of engaging in sexual behavior with the partner. By controlling for individual differences in sexual motives, effects on likelihood ratings by gender and relationship stage were independent of variations due to dispositional sexual motivation. Moreover, the relationship of dispositional sexual motives to reactions to each of the situations served as a type of empirical verification of the motivational theme of each situation. For example, establishing that the nurturance
40 sexual motive correlates with sexual behavior in the situation in which a hypothetical partner needs comfort and support provides evidence for the proposal that the situation is focused on nurturance.
Local Studies Sexual attitudes and behavior differ from one group of Filipino youth to another, depending on their social class, educational level, and place of residence. In metropolitan and large cities, Manila, Quezon, Cebu, Iloilo, Davao, Dumaquete, and Zamboanga, adolescents and young adults are exposed to the cosmopolitan life and consequently receive more information on sex and sexuality. They are also freer to experience numerous options than are less educated youths. Despite the guilt and shame associated with sex, middle- and upper-class urban youth often engage in sexual contacts with girlfriends, household maids, and even prostitutes. For the youths of the poverty belts around the big cities, the situation is compounded by the lack of money and self-control (Laurel, S. H. 1999). Even if they would prefer to use a contraceptive, they cannot afford them and there are no places where they can get them free. Oral contraceptives are only given free to married women for family planning purposes by government-run city and municipal health clinics. Although condoms were distributed freely in public high schools in the early 1990s on a mandate from the Secretary of Health as part of an STD and HIV prevention program, this practice was later discontinued because of a public outcry that it was ineffective and because of the Church’s persistent objections. (Duchene, L de B. 1997) The situation for rural (barrios) youth is quite
41 different. They learn and receive information about sex and sexual behavior from observing farm animals, from magazines, from clandestine “boys only” meetings, and from the relations between parents and other family members in homes where there is little privacy. The prevailing Catholic dogma on sexual morality is written deep in the unconsciousness of every boy and girl. Only a few years ago, 98 percent of the youth associated premarital sex with guilt and sin. Only recently has this begun to change. In 1994, the Youth Adult Sexuality Survey (Zablan,1994) revealed that about 18 percent accepted premarital sex, although a majority of 80 percent still believed it was a sin and morally unacceptable. It is becoming increasingly clear that first premarital sexual activities are initiated at an earlier age, especially for those in metropolitan areas, where the basic family structure often disintegrates because of a lack of parental supervision, with both parents working or the father absent and perhaps working overseas. Young males pursuing college and graduate studies in the city are often detached from parental supervision and frequently succumb to the lure of metropolitan temptations, go-go bars, and adult entertainment houses. Among girls, the memories of being deflowered were somewhat different from those of the boys. Because of guilt and shame, the majority of young females did not bother to get prior information about sexual intercourse and the possible consequences of their first sexual encounters. They perceived their first intercourse as the fulfillment of young love, motivated by peer pressure to keep their boyfriends, and at the same
42 time as a “challenge” to parental authority or a gross transgression of a religious or social taboo. For the well-educated and sophisticated city dwellers, it was a calculated act to get rid of the old-fashioned social taboo (virginity), which they perceived as an obstacle to entering into a more mature and fulfilling sexual life, or plainly to catch the men of their dreams. It is interesting to note that, compared with the United States and other industrialized nations, Filipino teenagers are probably less sexually active; thus teenage pregnancy is less of a problem than elsewhere.
43
Chapter III RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Presented in this section are the description of the methods used in the research, how data were gathered and eventually how long they were processed and treated statistically.
Research Design The descriptive method was used in determining the self-esteem profile of the randomly selected virgin and non virgin B.S. Nursing students. According to De Silva (1998), young people are in a major transitional life stage as they start to disengage from their family and are eager to achieve independence through risky actions. As such they are oftentimes characterized as risk-takers and pleasure-seekers with sex as one of the array of risky behaviors which they engage in. The study itself will demonstrate whether there is a significant difference between the self esteem of virgins and non virgins.
44
Selection and Description of the Respondents According to the Registrars Office of La Consolacion College the second semester of the school year 2005-2006 comprises 894 enrolled Nursing students. Of the 894 students, the researchers employed the random sampling technique in order to come up with the appropriate number of respondents authenticated by the registrar’s office, to generate the desired statistical data and the appropriate number of thirty (30) virgin and thirty (30) non-virgin female students of La Consolacion College from first year to fourth year college contingency technique was used congruent to the self-esteem profile.
Instrumentation Self-esteem, the way people feel about themselves, is closely related to the sense of identity of people, the formulation of which is a developmental task of early adolescence. It is important, as an early adolescent, to both develop and maintain good feelings about oneself. In this study, the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory (CSI) was used to measure the self esteem profile of nursing students of La Consolacion College. The twenty-five (25) items SEI is designed to measure and evaluate attitudes toward the self in social, academic, family, and personal areas of experiences. The CSI can be scored in a few minutes by using the scoring keys for the term that have been administered. A Woman’s Health Questionnaire (WHQ), which comprises fourteen (14) items includes about female reproductive health. These items were created from
45 literature and consultation from an obstetrician-gynecology specialist. WHQ is designed to determine if the respondents involved in this study is a virgin or nonvirgin. It is also carefully employed and analyzed in order to be more comfortable in answering the items and to avoid the confusion that may be subject to different interpretations.
Data Gathering Procedure In order to gather data on this study, respondents from the nursing department of La Consolacion College will be receiving a composite health questionnaire sheet and Coppersmith’s Self-Esteem Inventory (CSI) after which several will be interviewed for further analysis and reliance. The score that will be gathered will analyze the self-esteem profile of the respondents using Statistical procedures.250 Women’s Health Questionnaire and 250 Coppersmith’s SelfEsteem Inventory (CSI) was distributed to the 500 respondents to attain thirty (30) virgins and thirty (30) non virgins and to acquire significance towards their selfesteem
Statistical Treatment In order for the interpretation and analysis of the data accumulated by the researchers to be credible, the sampling technique adapted was the random sampling method. The researcher used the following formula: 1. Percentage
46 P=
n N
X 100
Where: p- percentage n- number of responses in a particular criteria N- number of respondents
2. Mean X=Σx N Where: X-mean average Σ- sum of scores N-number of scores
3. t - Test of Independence Where: X1= mean of the first group X2= mean of the second group S1= standard deviation of the first group S2= standard deviation of the second group N1=total of the first group N2= total of the second group
47
Chapter IV PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA This chapter deals mainly with the presentation, analysis and interpretation of data. The results and findings are presented in tables 2 and 3.
Question1. What is the self esteem level of the participants when grouped according to: a. Virgins b. Non virgins
Table 1 Percentage Virgins P = n N x 100
418 (500) (100)
= 83.6%
82 (500) (100)
= 16.4%
Non – Virgins P = n N x 100
48
Figure 2 Percentage Graph of Respondents
16.4%
83.6%
Table 2 Self Esteem Profile of Virgins and Non-virgins
Group Virgin Non Virgin
Mean 65.333 73.933
Interpretation Average Average
49
To come up with the right number of respondents, the Adult Form of the SEI was given to 500 Nursing students ranging from 16-19 years old from La Consolacion College in Manila. Table 2 shows the mean difference in scores between virgins and non virgins. Although it shows that there’s a big difference with the score obtained, the interpretation still came up average as 65.333 and 73.933 falls in the average percentile rank. Question 2.Is there a significant difference between the self esteem profile of virgins and non virgins?
Table 3 Significance of their Self Esteem
Interpretati ComputedValue 1.954
Table Value 2.000
on Not Significant
df=58 level of significance= 0.05 The exploratory T-test confirms that there is no significance between the self esteem level of sexually active females and non sexually active females. Normality Test:
Passed: (P=0.058)
Equal Variance Test:
Passed :( P=0.210)
50
Group
N
Missing
Virgin
30
0
Non virgin
30
0
Group
Mean
SEM
Virgin
65.333
2.775
Non virgin
73.933
3.415
Difference
-8.600
t= -1.954 with 58 degrees of freedom ( P=0.005) To come up with the right number of respondents, which are thirty (30) virgins and thirty (30) non virgins, the Adult Form of the SEI was given to 500 Nursing students ranging from 16-19 years old from La Consolacion College in Manila. Table 1 shows the mean difference in scores between virgins and non virgins. Although shown that there’s a big difference with the score obtained, the interpretation still came up average as 65.333 and 73.933 falls in the average percentile rank. The exploratory T-test confirms that there is no significance between the self esteem level of sexually active females and nonsexually active female
51
Chapter V SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS This chapter presents the summary of findings conclusions and recommendations.
Summary As with the many psychological phenomena, scientific progress in understanding self-esteem has two key requirements. The first is the clarity of definition: what is self-esteem? The second is the availability of the procedures to measure self-esteem. There is also, of course, a mutual dependence between these two requirements. A difficulty whether low self-esteem does in reality have consequences for behavior is not the absence of evidence but its highly variable quality. The most informative research is longitudinal. It follows the same individuals over time, preferably a period of several years, and in such a way as to detect changes in both self esteem and behavior of interest over that period. It should also control for the effects of other factors; most problem behaviors have multiple causes and multiple
52 risk factors. This review gave most weight to research that meets these requirements. Based on the statistical treatment the study obtained 16.4 % of non virgin and 84.6% virgins of La Consolacion College. The selected thirty (30) virgin and thirty (30) non virgin shows that the self esteem profile are average. The t-test showed a t-value of -1.954 between the two groups at 0.05 level of significance, with degrees of freedom of 58 results found no differences towards the self esteem level of the respondents.
Conclusions Teenagers now evolve in the 21st century. With the belief of not being “in” if being a virgin in contrast to other research, this research showed that sexual involvement and nonsexual involvement does not affect self esteem. Retaining virginity is not a factor towards self esteem, it is a matter on how one views him/her self, goes as well with losing ones virginity. Thus, religious beliefs, parents, peers and other factors such as age, socio economic status did not support the hypothesis due to time constriction and research mainly concentrated towards the self esteem level of sexually active and non sexually active students of the said institution. These factors may have aided the teens in adapting in building self concept In conclusion, by obtaining an even score or average in the self esteem level of the respondents, the study strongly supports the assertion that teenagers engaging in sexual activity and decides to stay in the sanctity of virginity does not affect self esteem at all. Therefore, gaining insignificance.
53
Recommendations 1.
The study covered the respondents from La
Consolacion College Manila measuring the self-esteem level of virgin and non virgin students. 2.
Based on the result of the data gathered, it is recommended that further
studies be conducted with more modified subject selection. 4. This study is recommended to the college students, to be safe and matured in engaging towards sexual activity.
54
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59 APPENDICES Appendix 1 Random sample and percentile score of virgins and non virgins
VIRGINS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 .
Random Sample 19 23 11 17 14 13 15 16 25 21 12 19 11 24 19 18 12 19 14 17 16 16 12 13 12 15 15 20 17 15
NON VIRGINS Percentile Score 76 92 44 68 56 52 60 64 100 84 48 76 44 96 76 72 48 76 56 68 64 64 48 52 48 60 60 80 68 60
Random Sample 12 18 13 25 22 24 21 25 18 21 13 23 22 19 13 11 24 24 24 14 14 22 13 17 14 21 21 12 16 11
Percentile Score 48 72 52 100 88 96 84 100 72 84 52 92 88 76 52 44 96 96 96 56 56 88 52 68 56 84 84 78 64 44
60
Appendix 2 Vicinity Map of La Consolacion College
61
La Consolacion College, Manila
Malacanang
Centro Escolar University
College of the Holy San Beda College Spirit T LR
62
Appendix 3 Coopersmith Self Esteem Inventory Name___________________________________ Like Unllike me me O
O
1. Things usually don’t bother me
O
O
2. I find it very hard to talk in front of a group
O
O
3. There are lots of things about myself I’d like to change
O
O
4. I can make up my mind without too much trouble
O
O
5. I’m a lot of fun to be with
O
O
6. I get upset easily at home
O
O
7. It takes me a long time to get used to anything new
O
O
8. I’m popular with persons my own age
O
O
9. My family usually considers my felling
O
O
10. I give in very easily
O
O
11. My family expects too much of me
O
O
12. It’s pretty tough to be me
O
O
13. Things are all mixed up in my life
O
O
14. People usually follow my ideas
O
O
15. I have a low opinion of myself
O
O
16. There are times when I would like to leave home
63 O
O
17. I often feel upset with my work
O
O
18. I am not as nice looking as most people
O
O
19. If I have something to say. I usually say it
O
O
20. My family understands me
O
O
21. Most people are better liked than I am
O
O
22. I usually feel as if my family is pushing me
O
O
23. I often get discouraged with what I am doing
O
O
24. I often with I were someone else
O
O
25. I can’t be depended