Bollywood And Technology In The Glocal Age

A historical perspective on music production, distribution and consumption in the Indian film industry

Contents INTRODUCTION

1

GLOBAL TERMS

2

A MUSICAL NARRATIVE

3

CREATIVE PROCESSES IN THE MODERN FILM INDUSTRY

9

IDEOSCAPES AND THE IMAGES OF MEDIASCAPES

12

INFLUENCE ACROSS THE BORDERS

13

TRANSNATIONAL DISTRIBUTION

15

CONCLUSION

17

BIBLIOGRAFI

19

Bibliografi

Introduction In this paper I intend to look at two thing: Firstly, how the Indian film industry, or more specifically, the music production processes has changed with the onset of different technologies, and secondly how these technologies have influenced the distribution and consumption of the films. I will attempt to place this discussion in a wider (global) cultural framework using the concepts provided in Arjun Appadurai’s “Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization”. The complexity of India, both 1

internally, with many ethnic groups and migration patterns, and as a transnational force, with the Indian Diaspora, and its import technology and export of cultural products makes it a good subject to apply some of Appadurai’s terms. And showcase a few of the complex relationships that mediate the cultural flows in relation to Indian film and film music. India is a vast and diverse country, much more so than most countries, and this should be kept in mind when talking about the film industry, the country’s output of film is enormous and varied, and films have been produced in 51 different languages since 1951. And since 1979 the output of the three southern linguistic models have actually outnumbered the total number of films produced in Mumbai1, which is the centre of what is most commonly referred to as Bollywood, producing Hindi films. I will attempt here to reflect a slightly wider perspective than that of the Mumbai.

Global terms Arjun Appadurai launched the idea of his –scapes, in recognition of the complex world we live in. He states that the cultural flow across national borders is not a new phenomenon, however it is moving at an unprecedented pace. This movement has been facilitated through advances in technology; important factors are transportation, communication, consumption, both in commercial product sense, but also in a cultural consumption sense. The first term we will look at is ethnoscape; this deals with migration, both in a immigrant/refugee sense of migration, but also temporary movement in the form of tourism. Technoscapes deal with the flow of technology through the world, he 2

stresses that there is no even distribution, and the flow of this information (and mechanical technology) is to an extent at the mercy of “money flows, political possibilities, and the availability of both un- and highly skilled labour”.2 The labour is obviously connected to wages among other things, which Appadurai negotiates by using the term financescapes; this is in essence the flow of money in the global world. The movement of money is very hard to follow through the currencies, transnational trade, stock exchange etc. In addition to these three concepts, Appadurai coins the terms mediascapes and ideoscapes. The mediascapes “refer both to the distribution of the electronic capabilities to produce and disseminate information”3 as well as “…the images in the world created by these media”. In essence this becomes how the media output is produced, the distribution of the media and the actual output “images”, in a sense the product of the media. These “images” can be seen as narratives that contribute to creating imagined identities, which we will return to later. The final term is ideoscape, this is a collection of images that, more often than not, relate to ideologies or counter ideologies. They are present and contribute in our understanding of a cultural text. These are the terms I will attempt to demonstrate in the setting of Indian film industry, specifically the musical dimensions.

A musical narrative Much of the early music was to a large extent simply taken from the stage and inserted straight into the films; this music could be diverse in the sense that it did not reflect a particular ethnic group. This was in part because the musicians came from backgrounds such as the theatre, film 3

was a new medium, and the filmatic clichés were not established, artists simply drew on what they already knew, which was mostly traditional music of India. Allison Arnold argues4 that after the first “talkie” film, Alam Ara became a success the producers recognized that there could be benefits to incorporating and in this sense, continuing the ancient narrative traditions of India, combining song, dance and drama. It could also be significant to note that this was in the 1930s, before India became independent. This independence has also paradoxically hindered the Indian movie industry in keeping up with the West technology wise, as we will come back to. The first significant technological advance was the ability to record the image and the sound separately, this opened up for the “playback” system that has become so common for Indian films. The actors could simply mime the songs, not only did it improve the sound quality, but it gave the music producers a chance to create more elaborate arrangements and record more instruments. The recording process remained fairly basic still with the mixing was done mostly through repositioning musicians and microphone. Another significant consequence of the ability to record the music separate was that one had, in addition film music, the possibility for releasing the music as a commercial record. These soundtracks became the most popular records in India5 and thus provided a significant source of revenue associated with the film production. Peter Manuel attributes this interest for film music in part to the fact that it was cheaper for most people in India to go to the movies to see films or hear music6, rather than buying a radio or another device that could play back music, this combined with the fact that the Indian cultures already have plays that 4

incorporate music in an “unrealistic” way. According to Manuel the public simply did not find it unnatural that musical scenes suddenly appear in the middle of the drama. The composers were given the possibility to record their music in a studio with better sound quality. These “composers” had the title “music directors”(MD), some of these MDs had very little knowledge when it came to instruments and music theory, rather than composing, they oversaw the entire music production process: there was recording, and planning out the film together with a director. The MDs could perhaps be more likened with a manager for the music production. Everything circled around the directors, and they delegated a lot of the tasks. They could have assistant for just about every aspect of the production, someone to write the musical ideas in notation, an assistant to arrange they music, recording engineers, someone to hire and pay the musicians, the list goes on and on. The MDs were central to the production process for two reasons, firstly they were the ones who had some form of system in the very chaotic and short sighted world of film production in India, but perhaps more importantly, a well known MD was a star in himself, and his name could function in the same way as hiring star actor. They made it far more likely that the film would become a hit with the Indian public. Background music, that is, music that functions as non diegetic “mood music” was usually produced after filming, making it possible to tailor specific music to specific scenes, for instance to add romance, suspense and drama. The practice of background music in India started in the 1940s7 but there were however significant limitations on the production 5

because of the technology used, post-recording editing was only possible in the major breaks of the music. Another problem was that the power supplies in India were subject to voltage fluctuations, if one wanted to add a vocal to a pre recorded arrangement there would be a problem that the pitch would suddenly change in the recorded music or the new recording. This meant that all recording had to be done together in one take which in turn placed a fair amount of pressure on the musicians not to make any mistake, especially in the big orchestras recording in some of the studios.8 If a piece was recorded in the early on in the day, it could for instance be recorded in A, when you wanted to meld it together with a take in the evening (when so many Indians had come home from work and turned on all their gadgets) the power situation would be such that one first had to establish what pitch or key the morning recording was in and the retune the instruments before attempting to record anything that could be mixed together somehow. It was not until the early 1990s that multi-track recording was possible for the Indian studios. This has of course opened up for new creative possibilities. These studios were not vulnerable to voltage fluctuations as the old studios were, effectively opening up for multi track recording in without the pitch alterations that were an issue before. Perhaps the biggest change in the industry is the synthesizer technology and the possibilities it represents. Since the eighties keyboards have been trickling into India, at first very slowly due to import taxes and a general protectionism attitude among Indian authorities, but they have had a major impact on how the recording studios operate. Initially they were used in the compositional process and the fact that one could add rhythms 6

and other instruments made them very good for arranging as well. When the studios had managed to stabilize their power supply by the end of the eighties, mostly through having their own diesel generators during recording sessions, the issue of tuning tracks was no longer a problem. This paved the way for a technique that together with the keyboards and the technology they represented, proved to be the final blow to most of the large studios: punching. Punching basically means that you record a section of the music again, without having to record the entire piece. As a consequence it was no longer necessary to record the entire orchestra at the same time in one take. Meaning it was no possible to record the various sections or instruments one at the time and mix them together. As the midi quality has improved steadily the last 20 years a lot of the instruments have become replaced by midi keyboards. It is simply more efficient for an industry such as Bollywood, it saves time and it saves having to hire as many musicians. This is a winning combination in an industry where producing music fast is very important. Avinash Oak has worked in studios for almost three decades, he describes the how the process has changed in the following way: “…they do all the programming and things at home. Now they come with a Nuendo session, open up the session here, and edit it. Or they come here and record all the acoustic instruments; then they go home with the files and mix at home. So there’s an integration of the home studios and the professional studios, but it’s causing the studios to go also for Nuendo.”9 The general notion seems to be that the composing and recording processes in Bollywood is becoming very similar to how they are in the West. This is perhaps echoed in some extent by an interview given by A.R. Rahman. The interview is given in 7

connection with him scoring the film Slumdog Millionaire, the film is not a Bollywood film, it is directed by Danny Boyle. This interview10 is found on the Apple (promotional) website. But when he lists his gear and working method, one sees that the technology used is the same as what is used in Hollywood. India has since its independence hindered the Bollywood industry’s desire for new technology through very high toll policies. Leading to innovation and creative handy work, Booth cites several musicians who had to make their own instruments because they could not afford to buy them in and bring them into India. Leslie Godinho built his own drums and Ramesh Iyer had to build his own electric guitar.11 Another example of this could be the different practices of recording is the fact that by 1975 most of the studios had the possibility to record more than 10 tracks. It is however interesting to note that the studios all achieved this through various technical solutions.12 Kersi Lord says the following about the recording process: “…they just put me in the middle of all the mics, so the sound was going into this mic and that mic. It made a good effect. So they were always experimenting with the sound and the recording…”13. Lord is describing the recording process when they were recording a film in 1958, and does makes the point that the recording engineers did not necessarily accept the limitations of the technology, they tried to get as much as possible from the equipment. The Indian industry was not in any way intellectually isolated from the technical innovations in the West, they knew what was going on in recording studios in London. Since they could not get a hold of the new equipment they tried to create similar effects in

8

Indian recording studios, resorting to tweaking their equipment or recording in a way that had not been done before. This short summary of how technological advances have shaped the ways music is produced for the film industry demonstrates some of the traits of the term technoscape. A number of these technologies have trickled into India much later than other parts of the world, multi-track recording for instance had been around for years before it became standard in India. There are several reasons for this but it does illustrate the point that the flow of technology is unevenly distributed; Firstly there are political reasons for this, both ideological (ideoscapes), perhaps even more so when dealing with the politics of a former colony relating to its former colonial masters. Appadurai states that there are situations where “there are radical disjunctures between ideoscapes and technoscapes”14. Western ideas are sometimes meet with suspicion, they could be seen as in conflict with what are perceived as Indian values, thus colliding with the ideological system of Indian politics and society. Secondly the financescapes, the flow of money; there are issues of currency, importing the technologies (in the form of mixers and instruments) toll barriers set up by the Indian government as a result of a protectionist approach to trade. The ethnoscapes also play into the technology, according to Booth15 several musicians in the Bombay are managed to get hold of foreign instruments and recording equipment because relatives that lived abroad could send it to them. The technoscapes are in this way affected by the Indian Diaspora (ethnoscape) and the movement of people directly have an impact on the technology.

9

Film music production in today’s India Joseph Getter and B. Balasubrahmaniyan describe16 how some of the music directors work. These music directors represent the Tamil film industry, not the stereotypical Bollywood of Mumbai, but it does however provide an interesting perspective. They describe the music for a typical film as comprised of both Indian and Western. By this they mean both acoustic instruments and digitally synthesized instruments. The use of loops has become common and they describe how music directors browse through different loops on their hard drives, trying to find just the right loop for the scene. A.R. Rahman is one of the top Tamil MDs, he is known for being an innovative music director, mostly because of his new approach to the recording process. He has built his own home studio, Panchathan Record Inn allowing him to operate from his studio rather than the typical rented facilities, he is known to work alone, often recording the artists one at the time, rather than larger ensembles. Rahman records basic rhythms and harmony tracks himself, presumably on keyboards or programming them, he then records solo performances and mixes them together. His studio is apparently one of the best equipped in India and he has two well-known sound engineers working there to assist him, even though he himself also is competent with the technical equipment. The skills that are highlighted as important for the music directors are that they are skilled in more than one genre of music, for instance knowledge of Western music in addition to an Indian genre, that they can create music quickly and that they have leadership and organizational skills. Getter and Balasubrahmaniyan describe17 the process of creating the music for the Tamil films in the following way. After discussing the overall 10

style of the film the music director and the producer agree on the overall style for the movie. The next session could be a presentation of song or score suggestions that the music director has composed. After this a lyricist may attend and start working on the lyrics, the music will be recorded with fuller instrumentation and the temporary vocals be added. These vocals will serve as guidelines for the when the singers (usually celebrities) record the final vocals. The process of recording the final vocals consists of first trying to record as much of the song as possible and after that re-recording specific sections or words, editing the it all together to a “perfect” take, a very different approach to the old ways of attempting to record everything flawlessly in one take and serves as a good example of just how much of a change the industry has gone through because of the benefits and limitations of technology. The next stage of the process is the “picturization” process, which is simply the shooting of the scenes where the song is used, this is done in the same fashion as may music videos are made; by playing the song in the background and have the actors mime to the song. The playback system is also used for shooting scenes with dance (or both dance and singing) with the music playing whilst filming. The final part of the process is recording the background score. This is done afterwards and is designed in such a way that it is music that reinforces the narrative, for instance in dramatic scenes or action scenes. This is done by loading the edited films into a computer program such as Nuendo or Soundtrack Pro where the sections that require music are marked out by the music producer, afterwards, the MD and producer agrees on what kind of music is required. The MD or assistants then record the music, often using mostly 11

synthesized instruments, vocals and eventually acoustic instruments to ”…add the beauty and quality of realistic sounds.”18. These acoustic recordings are only used on films with bigger budgets, having more time to “re-record” time in the studio. This could perhaps be saying something about the attitudes toward acoustic instruments in that it is used if possible, but smaller films simply record everything on synthesizers. A lot of the music from Indian films have been criticized for simply being massproduced, and the fact that acoustic instruments are preferred could suggest that the MDs would rather record acoustically if possible. But the nature of the film production world of India is based on financial concerns, hiring studios costs money, they quicker the recording process is the more money is saved on the music. This could be seen as an example of the financescapes mediates quality versus commercial interests. This could of course be said about Hollywood as well, but the public of India have never become accustomed to “good” sound quality music in the past, there music seems to be so strong together with the lyrics and dances that it trumps any issues with the quality of music. The financescapes are influencing the mediascapes (actual films) but perhaps, given the ideoscapes of India, in that song and dance traditions are coming from a strong tradition that existed before films, the films are not required to have the same “hi-fi” quality that might be required in other parts of the world? Tamil films typically record all dialogue separately in a studio after shooting the scenes. This is because of uncontrollable noise levels on the set but also it is practical if a voice actor is used rather than the voice of the actor playing the character. Another reason for doing this is that it is 12

easier to dub the film to different languages later, dialogue, diegetic sounds and music all have to be mixed together on one track before the film is ready. The task of mixing and paning all this together is done by sound engineers. It is an individual process depending of the music director, some transcribe everything and work alone while others delegate a lot of the work and simply hum the melodies to their assistants. It should also be mentioned that a lot of these tasks are delegated, for example, the music director may not be present himself when recording in the studio but he or she will have a representative to check that the recordings are good enough. This description of how the process of composing and synchronizing the music shows that the way of working is similar to the way one might work with scoring in the West. The flow of technology has come further in that a lot of the equipment and instruments that were common in the West have become available in India. This technology is used to influence the mediascapes in the form of producing films with the technology. This is of course facilitated through financescapes and ethnoscapes (having skilled engineers for instance) as well.

Ideoscapes and the images of mediascapes The films appeal across the ethnic groups of India is interesting given the sheer size of the country, both in a geographic sense and in a cultural sense. A possible reason for the appeal of the films could be connected to building national sentiments, perhaps especially in the period before and after the Indian independence, the syncretic character of the music is mentioned both by Manuel and Booth, and some of the appeal could 13

therefore be that Indians that do not speak the Hindi or Tamil languages can enjoy the music. So even though the ideoscapes of the “local” ethnic group does not coincide with the mediascapes because of different languages and references, they still fall under a wider national Indian ideoscape that the different groups can relate too, in a sense justifying the independence from the British Crown for instance. This could also create a conflict with local ideologies, both religious or cultural value systems; for instance the urban (immoral) lifestyle of Mumbai compared to the rural ways of life, as well as more overtly political agendas such as fighting for, or attempting to politically justify local independence, or, they could be used as an argument for the unity of India, demonstrating Appadurai’s point that the images of the mediascapes are interpreted based on the dominant ideoscapes of the reader (interpreter). A rural peasant could see a Bollywood film and read it as an example of the immorality of big city life, whereas a an urban Indian can see it as a tribute of progress, how far India has come compared to the “peasant” life outside the big cities. The same image produced by the mediascapes is read on two different dominant ideoscapes. This syncretic quality allows for a Tamil watching a Hindi film to derive enjoyment from it the same way as people who ethnic Indians in the Caribbean watch Bollywood films without understanding them. The ethnic diversity of India could in this way somehow be mediated through the song and dance, the meaning becomes less important and the song and dance serves as something that could be typically Indian.

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Influence across the borders The more modern advances have helped the Indian films break out of India as well as weakening their position in their native country. This has in part threatened the models of production, now people have the possibility to watch MTV through satellite television, which as effectively raised the bar when it comes to production and sound quality. It has also made large segments of the Indian market aware of the narrative ideas that the Bollywood film industry has reworked or in some cases copied. But this also presents a conflict in the sense that the mediascapes that MTV and other (Western) transnational television channels (or transnational media in general) represents can undermine the existing ideoscapes of India, some of the Western programmes convey what could be seen in India as immoral for the ideoscapes of India. Indian film has over the years created cinematic solutions to deal with, for instance, how to present erotic scenes in the form of alluding to sex, rather than portraying it. Booth argues that: “in the scores of New Bollywood, the electric bass, for the first time, regularly provides the rhythmic and harmonic foundation in ways familiar to Western popular-music listeners”19. Though the observation is made about New Bollywood, the trend of copying, or maybe making parodies of Western music is not new. Anna Morcom states that Bollywood has borrowed quite a compositional techniques and instrumentations from Hollywood. This has been happening since the 1950s when it became easier to record large ensemble, event though some instrumentation may still have very different functions in Indian film music, the use of for instance the sitar. Although Kathryn Kalinak’s 15

“Settling the score” is primarily about the scoring practices in Hollywood she does mention in passing that music is a “culturally specific system”20. Even though some of the same instruments are used as signifiers, some scoring situations, for instance the use of particular Indian instruments still have different meanings in the Indian film world, in ways that they do not have in Hollywood. Some of the clichés used in Hollywood have been adopted in Bollywood; large symphonic orchestras with Western instruments as well as the use of compositional techniques that may not be traditionally Indian such as chromaticism, tremolo and the use of “stingers” are examples of this. Morcom does argue that there are several issues at work here, rather than to assume a standard semiotic “language” for all music. Some of the reasons these techniques resonate with the Indian public could be that the Indian raga system is based on a similar logic as the diatonic system. If you break the scale or raga system by adding foreign notes to the scale, or remove notes that should be there you might achieve a more “unsettling” sound. The use of stingers, which is the practice of using sudden, loud chords, may have a simpler psychological reasoning than musical. The fact that humans may react differently to sudden and unexpected stimuli, this probably comes more down to traits that have ensured the human race survival in the face of danger in earlier times rather than some universal musical meaning. Here we see that musical ideas from Hollywood has been flowing and some of it was picked up on in India, there were however limitations such as lacking technology (technoscapes) in that not all the instruments and recording techniques were available. This is of course again tied in with financescapes, in that significant funds may be required for instruments 16

etc. Some of the music could also be seen as to “Westernized”, and it also follows Western music theory rather than Indian systems. In this sense it could be seen as in conflict with the dominant “ideoscapes” of India. After some time the clichés that are borrowed from the West become established in Bollywood films and become incorporated into the ideoscapes of India, at least through the mediascapes.

Transnational distribution Peter Manuel21 describes how ethnic Indian community in the Caribbean rely on Bollywood films as a link to their “home land”. The notion that the films are perceived as a link to India trumps the fact that the plots usually are escapist in a very specific Indian setting or in some other sense are entirely unrealistic, these movies are shown on the television channels without subtitles and since most of the Indian community do not speak the languages of India anymore, they simply enjoy the song and dance and fetishes them as cultural links to their own people. It becomes “…nostalgia without memory…”22. Manuel describes how the Indio-Caribbean community tries to recreate the songs and dances of Bollywood films through performing them themselves. This resonates well with Appadurai’s ideas of a “new condition of neighbourliness”, that is enabled and driven by “fantasies (or nightmares) of electronic propinquity”23. The distribution technology is in making it possible for the Indian community to partake in these fantasies where they see themselves as somehow becoming more “Indian” through various the activities mentioned above. In the words of Appadurai: “the imagination is now central to all forms of agency, is itself a social fact. Meaning that imagination itself has become a 17

social practice. The Indo-Caribbean population is imagining the mythic homeland, based on the impression they are getting from the films. Through the re enactment of dances they are socially imagining their Indian roots. Appadurai also states that: “deterritorialization creates new markets or film companies, art impresarios, and travel agencies, which thrive on the need of the deterritorialized population for contact with its homeland”24. The Indo-Caribbean market could provide an example of a place where new markets are established due to the Diaspora, something Appadurai also addresses. This can be seen as an example of what the complex relationship between the different “scapes”. Firstly the Diaspora (ethnoscapes) has facilitated for consumption of Indian films in the Caribbean. This is done primarily through the mediascapes of television; Hindu films are showed regularly on Trinidadian television. This has contributed to an imagined “Indianness” in the population, which to some extent threatens the political balance in these countries. Not in a revolutionary sense, but Manuel cites situations where spokesmen for the Indo-Caribbean population demand more equal treatment of Indian culture, rather than favouring the Creole cultural identity. Thus contributing to create some kind of conflict between the “Indians” and the dominant ideoscapes, facilitated to some extent through the mediascapes, in that they are contributing to creating new ideas, or simply sustain different ideoscapes, in the form of maintaining or preserving “Indian” cultural heritage This is also a good example because it can be taken one step further in demonstrating the complexities of culture transfers across the world. The Bollywood films have in the Caribbean been accused of being a vessel for spreading American music 18

because songs used in Hindi film music are often Indianized versions of Western songs, or rely heavily on Western genres such as disco.25 One could therefore argue that on some level, the consumption of Indian films in the Caribbean, are contributing to a “Westernization” of the music.

Conclusion In this paper I have attempted to give a summary of how the process of composing and recording music for films has changed in India over the last 80 years as well as provided an idea as to how Indian composers work today. In addition to this I have given an introduction to the framework Appadurai outlines in order to deal with the complicated globalized world we live in. We have seen how the notions of “scapes” can be used to identify the different factors that contribute the flow of technology. How the technoscapes are mediated by the other “scapes”, the unevenness of the flow of technology into India due to complex issues of the political situation. How the independence made it harder to import the equipment from the West, despite the fact that Indian musicians knew about the technology, some of them travelled to London to record and saw the equipment there, this movement of labour (ethnoscape) inspired some of the to try to imitate the effects they heard when travelling abroad. Demonstrating how the movement of people contributed to the flow of technology. The high toll barriers India set up was in part to protect its own industries, such financial concerns could be seen as an aspect of the financescapes. The conflict between importing and protecting the interests of India is not only seen in actual technology, but also in importing aspects of the music in the sense of making more “Westernized” music. Some of 19

this music could be seen as in conflict with the ideoscapes of Indian morality, and music tradition, possibly leading to polarized attitudes such as nationalistic or international. Appadurai cites China as an example of a country where ideas such as “democracy” is conflict with the current ideoscapes (at least in the political system), the same kind of conflict could perhaps be seen in India’s meeting with the ideoscapes of the Western satellite channels, it may not be as obvious because there is not as clearly defined opposition as in China’s outspoken political statements about the West. But there is never the less a balancing between opening up the India to the foreign impulses and trying to maintain what is seen as Indian. This idea of interpreting the images that are produced by the media (scapes) has been demonstrated, both in within India, as well as how these cultural images are interpreted and imagined in the Caribbean. The dominant ideoscapes affect what we deem important in the cultural texts, a rural Indian, and urban Indian and an Indo-Caribbean will see the same film in different ways, depending on the dominant ideoscapes, the ethnoscapes, the emigrants will imagine India in a different way to the native Indians, who again will imagine the different classes and localities of India in different ways depending on their background. I have also tried to demonstrate the complicated relationships that form when this (Western inspired) Indian music is distributed abroad, in this case to an ethnic Indian population located in the Caribbean. Here there are issues of technology (technoscapes) that for the actual distribution and consumption, the population has moved from India, creating a 20

demand in the region (ethnoscape). And to some extent, how the consumption of these cultural goods works against the dominant ideoscapes, specifically through the mediascapes.

Bibliografi

Appadurai, A. (1996). Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Economy. I Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis, U.S.A: University of Minnesota Press. Arnold, A. (1992, Autumn). Aspects of Production and Consumption in the Popular Hindi Film Song Industry. Asian Music (24), ss. 122-136. Booth, G. D. (2008). Behind the Curtain: Making Music in Mumbai's Film Studios. Oxford, U.K.: Oxfor University Press. Booth, G. (2008). That Bollywood Sound. I M. Slobin, Global Soundtracks: Worlds of film music (ss. 85-113). Middletown, Conneticut, U.S.A.: Wesleyan University Press. Getter, J., & Balasubrahmaniyan, B. (2008). Tamil Film Music: Sound and Significance. I M. Slobin, Global Soundtracks: Worlds of Film Music. Middletown, Conneticut, U.S.A.: Wesleyan University Press. Kalinak, K. (1992). Settling the Score: Music and the Classical Hollywood Film. Wisonsin, U.S.A.: The University of Wisconsin Press. Manuel, P. (1993). Cassette Culture: Popular Music and Technology in North India. Chicago, U.S.: University of Chicago Press. Manuel, P. (1997, Autumn). Music, Identity, and Images of India in the Indo-Carribean Diaspora. Asian Musi (29), ss. 17-35. Morcom, A. (2001). An Understanding Between Bollywood and Hollwood? The Meaning of Hollywood Style Music in Hindi Films. (Vol. 1, No.1), 63-84.

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1 Booth, 2008, page 85, That Bollywood Sound 2 Appadurai, 1996, page 34 3 Appadurai, 1996, page 35 4 Arnold, 1992 5 Booth, 2008,Behind the Curtain, page 43 6 Manuel, 1993, page 48 7 Morcom, 2001 8 Booth, 2008, page 95 9 Booth, 2008, Behind the Curtain, page 84 10 Apple Logic Studio Website, last viewed 5, march 2009: http://www.apple.com/logicstudio/action/arrahman/ 11 Booth, 2008, Behind the curtain, page 60 12 Booth, 2008, Behind the Curtain, page 70 13 Booth, 2008, Behind the Curtain, page 61 14 Appadurai, 196, page 40 15 Booth, 2008, Behind the Curtain 16 Getter and Balasubrahmiyan, 2008 17 Getter and Balasubrahmiyan, 2008, page 129 18 Getter and Balasubrahmiyan, 2008, page 134 19 Booth, 2008, page 109 20 Kalinak, 1992, page 5 21 Manuel, 1997 22 Appadurai, 1996, page 30 23 Appadurai, 1996, page 29 24 Appadurai, 1996, page 38 25 Manuel, 1997, page 24