Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds

Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds Class: Women and Peacemaking (CRS-3242) Instructor: Dr Anna Snyder By Carsten Kaefert (3012875)

Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds

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Table of Contents Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds..............................................................................................1 Abstract.......................................................................................................................................3 Born to Be an Activist.................................................................................................................3 Leading an Uprise – The 1988 Revolts.......................................................................................5 In Her Own Words......................................................................................................................6 Freedom from Fear.................................................................................................................6 The Need for Solidarity among Ethnic Groups......................................................................8 A Fishy Episode......................................................................................................................8 A Friend in Need....................................................................................................................9 Speech in Acceptance of the Nobel Piece Prize...................................................................10 Ineffective Measures from the West..........................................................................................10 Ineffective Sanctions............................................................................................................11 Protection from Neighbors and Partners..............................................................................13 Bibliography..............................................................................................................................15

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Abstract This paper deals with the democracy movement in Burma, namely the National League for Democracy (NLD) and its leader, Nobel peace prize laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Starting with a brief introduction into her biography and the Burmese history, it focuses especially on her outreach to the outwards world and its effects. It draws on her writings and their reception especially in the west and illustrates that while gaining much attention in western media, concrete steps to change the situation in Burma have not been effective. Although economic sanctions have been but in place, the human rights situation in the country remains devastating. Furthermore, foreign investment in the formerly isolated country has become one of the main pillars for the military junta's reign, while the sanctions primarily hit the already poor population.

Born to Be an Activist Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (Daw being a honorary title which is often translated as lady) carries the political leader already in her name: Aung San, her father, is still today seen as Burma's most important national hero, as the father of the independent Burma. 1 He led the armed struggle against colonial Britain and fascist Japan.2 Sadly, also tragedy lies within this name: Aung San was assassinated by a political rival in 1947. Daw Suu Kyi, born on 19 June 1945, was just two years old when she lost her father.3 Despite the obviously dim memory of him, her father always was an inspiration to Daw Suu Kyi. In one of her most famous writings, Freedom from Fear, she compares him to Gandhi:

1 Cf. Michael Aris, “Introduction,” in Freedom from Fear and Other Writings (London: Penguin, 1991), xvi. 2 Cf. ibid. 3 Cf. ibid. Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→Born to Be an Activist

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The words used by Jawaharlal Nehru to describe Mahatma Gandhi could well be applied to Aung San: 'The essence of his teaching was fearlessness and truth, and action allied to these, always keeping the welfare of the masses in view.' Gandhi, that great apostle of non-violence, and Aung San, the founder of a national army, were very different personalities, but as there is an inevitable sameness about the challenges of authotarian rule anywhere at any time, so there is a similarity in the intrinsic qualities of those who rise up to meet the challenge.4

Further quoting Nehru, she described this quality as “abhaya, fearlessness, not mere bodily courage but absence of fear from the mind.”5 The same kind of fearlessness should become her trademark in the struggle for freedom in Burma. Both traits, the politic as well as the tragic, influenced her life at all times: She studied politics, philosophy and economics in Oxford before going to New York for post-graduate studies. There she postpones her studies to work for the United Nations as an Assistant Secretary, further following her path into politics.6 As her husband Michael Aris, whom she met in Oxford, stated, she lived in a state of readiness to return to Burma and strive for freedom, if her people needs her.7 This call should once more intertwine the politic with tragedy. In reverse to her father's fate, on whom politics spilled tragedy, she should be drawn back into the political arena by the the tragedy of her mother suffering a stroke in Burma in 1988.8

4 Aung San Suu Kyi, “Freedom from Fear,” in Freedom from Fear and Other Writings (London: Penguin, 1991), 183-184. 5 Ibid. 6 Cf. Nobel Foundation, “Aung San Suu Kyi – Biography,” Nobelprize.org, http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1991/kyi-bio.html. 7 Cf. Aris, Introduction... xviii. 8 Cf. ibid. Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→Born to Be an Activist

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Leading an Uprise – The 1988 Revolts Upon getting notice of her mothers ailment, Daw Suu Kyi instantly returned to Burma to care for her. Although it was rather coincidental that this trip should mean the beginning of her campaign for democracy within Burma, she always was prepared on standby for her people. Towards her husband she liked to state “that if her people ever needed her, she would not fail them.”9 This moment should come sooner than expected: On 23 July 1988 Ne Win, who had ruled over the country for the preceding decades, resigned and August 8 of the same year, a tidal wave of protests for democracy swept across Burma. Daw Suu Kyi's house immediately became a center for political activity.10 As early as August 26 she spoke publicly to her people for the first time in front of “a colossal rally at the Shwedagon pagoda.”11 After the public unrest had forced three heads of government out of office in rapid succession, military officers loyal to Ne Win staged a coup and took over power on September 18. Their State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) promised free elections – whilst shooting down demonstrators and turning rallies into bloodshed.12 Shortly afterwards, Daw Suu Kyi and close associates formed their party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).13 Daw Suu Kyi and her associates spend the better part of 1989 touring the country, promoting their party – thus uniting a previousely spontaneous, scattered revolt, to which she introduced her idea of non-violent struggle.14 In July of that year, Daw Suu Kyi was put under house arrest after trying to organize another rally (which she called due to the prospect of further bloodshed). 15 After further

9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Aris, Introduction... xvii. Cf. ibid. xviii. Ibid. Cf. ibid. xix Cf. ibid. Cf. ibid. xx-xxi. Cf. ibid.

Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→Leading an Uprise – The 1988 Revolts

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campaining from her house, elections came in May 1990 – with very favorable results: NLD accumulated more than 60 per cent of the popular vote in a landslide victory, amassing over 80 per cent of the seats in parliament.16 SLORC never honored the elections results, but instead jailed most of the NLD members elected into parliament. Aung San Suu Kyi was kept under house arrest and virtual incommunicado most of the time since. This has brought further tragedy over her, as her husband died in 1999 without a chance for the couple to meet again after they saw each other for the last time on Christmas 1989.17 Despite having been subject to some criticism,18 it has been found that “Only Aung San Suu Kyi is capable of forging a working coalition between civilians and the military and leading Burma a sure path to economic and political modernization.”19

In Her Own Words During all the time of her relentless struggle as a political leader, Daw Suu Kyi has been an avid writer as well. She explained the situation in her country to its people and the world, outlined her principles, argued for her cause and worked towards summing up support. Some exemplary works will be discussed in detail in the following chapters.

Freedom from Fear It is not power that corrupts people but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it. Most Burmese are familiar with the four a-gati, the four kinds of corruption[...] perhaps the 16 Cf. ibid. xxiv. 17 Cf. ibid. 18 Cf. Kyaw Yin Hlaing, “Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar: A Review of the Lady’s Biographies,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 29, no. 2. (2007): 366-367. 19 Garry Woodward, “Burmas Quest for Democracy,” Journal of Democracy 3, no. 1, 1992: 4. Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→In Her Own Words

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worst of the four is bhaya-gati, for not only does bhaya, fear, stifle and slowly destroy all sense of right and wrong, it so often lies at the root of the other three kinds of corruption.20

Freedom from fear is perhaps Daw Suu Kyi's most important writing, as it lays out her philosophy of engagement in political change. It was released in reaction to the awarding of the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought to Daw Suu Kyi by the European Parliament and subsequently reprinted in major news outlets all around the world. 21 It draws upon former US President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Four Freedom catchphrase, which he established in his 1941 State of the Union Address.22 She briefly describes the nature of the 1988 protests and deviates from the usual view of them being a result of economic hardship. They were rather targeting “the humiliation of a way of life disfigured by corruption and fear.”23 The strategy she suggests – and adopts herself – against the atrocity in her home country is one of fearlessness, as shown in the aforementioned description of her father. Being aware that fearlessness in the face of a regime as violent as the Burmese is a high, perhaps unachievable demand, she asks for “courage that comes from cultivating the habit of refusing to let fear dictate one's actions.”24 She describes a way there that is defined by strict adherence of one's own ethic standards and continuous selfimprovement.25 This illustrates the Gandhian nature of her struggle and her deep Buddhist beliefs, which makes this writing so highly valuable to understand her struggle.

20 Suu Kyi, Freedom... 180. 21 Cf. ibid. 22 Cf. Kanbawza Win, A Burmese Perspective: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The Nobel Laureate (Bangkok: CPDSK Publications, 1992), 60. 23 Suu Kyi, Freedom... 181. 24 Ibid. 184. 25 Cf. ibid. 184-185. Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→In Her Own Words

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The Need for Solidarity among Ethnic Groups Children's minds are like a clean slate. That's why we have a great reponsibility in raising them. We must not teach them things that will divide them because of linguistic or ethnic differences; we must teach them so that they understand the idea of the Union. In the Kachin State, for instance, we have Jingpaw, Lisu, Shans, Burmans and other peoples. For all of them to live together in harmony we must teach our children from earliest childhood the concept of national unity, of nationhood.26

This excerpt from a speech Daw Aung San Suu Kyi delivered at a pagoda in 1989 beautifully illustrates other key features of her struggle. First of all obviously it is a call for understanding among Burma's various peoples. But it is much more than that: In it's context it illustrates her attitude towards those in power and responsible for the atrocities in Burma: Instead of hating them she rather seems to pity them, as they are merely conditioned by their upbringing.27 It also illustrates her struggle to improve the lives of her fellow Burmese – and be it just by giving educational advise. This choice also shows, perhaps most impressive, her conviction to her cause and her preparedness for a long battle: If it cannot be made during her time, she at least wants following generations to have the best chances.

A Fishy Episode We would listen to the chanting of protective sutras and pay our respects to our elders. But the authorities had other plans. On New Year's Day at about 11.30 in the morning, the street in front of my house was blocked of with barbed-wire barricades. Nobody was allowed to come in or go out except members of the security forces and numbers of awkward-looking men in civilian clothes, each with a handkerchief tied around on wrist. We discovered later that those were members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA). They had been collected from various townships and told to beat up those members of the NLD who came in through the barricades.28 26 Cf. ibid. 227. 27 Cf. ibid. 28 Aung San Suu Kyi, Letters from Burma (London: Penguin 1997), 108. Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→In Her Own Words

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Among Daw Suu Kyi's writings are many accounts of the harassment she and her fellow activists face, although probably by far less than there are incidents of harassment. As disturbing as these accounts are, the way Daw Suu Kyi and the NLD deal with them overcomes it in impressiveness: In this case they opted not to directly confront the regime and be drawn into violence once more. Instead, they held the New Year's Day ceremony that the junta tried to suppress here, just outside the barricades. In Daw Suu Kyi's account, “the NLD members took a firm, disciplined stand”29 - as they do so often.

A Friend in Need During the hectic days of late May and early June, when a series of critical political events were triggered off by the arrests of the NLD members elcted to parliament, a stream of foreign correspondents came to find out how we were coping with the situation. One of them commented on the fact that we did not appear to be unhappy. 'U Tin U is smilingbroadly and U Kyi Maung is cracking jokes,' he said. 'Why are you not in a state of distress? Isn't the situation rather grim?' I suppose some would have seen the situation as grim, but to us, it was just another challenge; and the knowledge that we were facing it together with proven friends was simple reason for good cheer.30

The amount of distress political struggle under and against a brutal regime puts upon people can hardly be grasped by people not experiencing it. It makes big, abstract, even epic concepts become very real. In Daw Suu Kyi's words: “Once poetic concepts such as villainy and honour, cowardice and heroism, become common currency, the stuff of epics is lived through from day to day.”31

29 Ibid. 109. 30 Ibid. 132. 31 Ibid. 131. Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→In Her Own Words

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Speech in Acceptance of the Nobel Piece Prize Although my mother is often described as a political dissident who strives by peaceful means for democratic change, we should remember that her quest is basically spiritual. As she has said, “the quintessential revolution is that of the spirit,” and she has written of the “essential spiritual aims” of the struggle. The realization of that depends solely on human responsibility. At the root of that responsibility lies and I quote “the concept of perfection, the urge to achieve it, and the will to follow that path if not to the end, at least the distance needed to rise above individual limitation...”32

Although not authored by Daw Suu Kyi, the speech in acceptance of the 1991 Nobel Piece Prize by her son Myint San Aung sheds some interesting light on her work. Again, the huge influence of her Buddhist beliefs on the struggle are restated, as are the basic principles that guide her: Morality, ethics and self-improvement. Her selflessness is also underlined by the fact that he had to talk in behalf of her: She could have left her country to accept this prize, which is among the world's most important. Just that this would have spelt an end to her struggle, as she would not have been able to return home. Instead of accepting the prize herself and making herself a comfortable life with the prize's noteworthy purse, reunited with her family, she opted to stay in house arrest, under permanent peril.

Ineffective Measures from the West Despite all efforts from within Burma to gather support for the National League for Democracy's efforts, international help has been sketchy at best. Economic sanctions have played a central part in the efforts to put pressure on the junta, but these have been met with criticism for an array of reasons. They have proved ineffective and even destructive.

32 Myint San Aung, as quoted in: Win, A Burmese... 18-19. Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→Ineffective Measures from the West

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Ineffective Sanctions Economic sanctions have been toted as effective means to achieve democratic change in a country mainly based upon role in ending Apartheid in South Africa. However, the situation in Burma is vastly different. For economic sanctions to be effective, Rarick lists a set of prerequisites:

(1) modest policy change is sought, (2) both trade and financial sanctions are imposed, (3) the receiving country does not get support from a third party, (4) the sender country’s economy is much larger than the receiving country, international co-operation exists in imposing sanctions and (6) the receiving country is economically and politically weak33

As stated by Rarick (and is particularly obvious), “Only about half of the needed conditions are present in the case of Myanmar.”34 To be exact, the sought policy change is far from modest, trade and financial sanctions are not imposed by the same actors, Burma gets plenty of support from third parties and thus the international cooperation is lacking. The scope of the aspired political change is discussed above, less so is the uneven structure of the sanctions against the country. The by far strictest policy is implemented by the United States of America through the Foreign Operations Appropriation Act of 1997 and the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003. The former bans new American investment in the country,

33 Charles A. Rarick, “Destroying a Country in Order to Save It: The Folly of Economic Sanctions Against Myanmar,” Economic Affairs 26, no. 2 (2006): 62. 34 Ibid. Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→Ineffective Measures from the West

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the latter prohibits financial services towards it.35 Weaker sanctions are in place in Europe, with the EU only freezing government officials financial assets and issuing travel bans, although some member states have stricter policies.36 With other countries such as Australia and Japan just pulling out economic aid37 and others supporting the junta (see below), it is obvious that international cooperation is virtually non-existent in the field of sanctions. Given the huge role money laundering and narcotics production and trafficking play in keeping the junta economically afloat,38 even the weakness of the economy or rather susceptibility to sanctions can questioned – despite the population's devastating poverty. Furthermore, Rarick doubts that economic sanctions against a despotic government like the Burmese junta can at all be effective.39 Another concern of his is the question of ethics: Sanctions, he writes, “cause suffering and, in some cases, even death, in an attempt to bring about political change.”40 He argues that thus “it is time to reconsider this ineffective, inhumane and unethical form of foreign policy.”41 Whilst Rarick's approach has some merit to it, it fails to address some of Burma's peculiarities, especially in the field of ethics. The junta tends to make excessive use of forced labor,42 which taints the promise of greater wealth among the people from international investment. Accordingly, Ms. Suu Kyi also argues against investment in Burma. In an interview about German company's direct investment in Burma she stated: “I am not surprised that certain economic circles do not care about anything but their profits. These German companies play into 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

Cf. ibid. 61. Cf. ibid. Cf. ibid. Cf. CIA World Factbook, s.v. “Burma”. Cf. Rarick, Destroying... 61. Ibid. 62. Ibid. 63. M. Busse, S. Braun, “Trade and Investment Effects of Forced Labour: An Empirical Assessment,” International Labour Review 142, no.1 (2003): 52.

Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→Ineffective Measures from the West

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the junta's hands.”43 She explicitly denied Rarick's notion of foreign investment improving the local situation by stating that “they do not contribute to change if money only goes into the wallets of people who are anyways well off and are not willing to share their power[...] the people they [the companies] have to deal with, are a political factor: They demand all the power for themselves.”44 It is painfully obvious that the western efforts to disciplin the Burmese junta are painfully ineffective. But be they botched or not, at least there are efforts from these countries. Others are in contrast very supportive of the regime.

Protection from Neighbors and Partners Sanctions against Burma are further rendered ineffective by the support it receives from its partners and neighbors. The country enjoys quite powerful protection from countries such as China45 and India46 and recently Russia.47 With China and Russia it has two veto powers in the United Nations Security Council on its side, which already proved useful for the junta: A resolution condemning grave human rights abuse was vetoed by the two country's representatives in 2007.48 The three countries also supply Burma with weapons, military technology and training.49 This great inflow of modern weaponry has supported a massive expansion of the Burmese armed forces. They “have more than doubled in size and are now the second largest in Southeast Asia. […] The Tatmadaw […] has been transformed from a small, 43 “In die Hände der Junta,” Der Spiegel, January 13, 1997, 17. 44 Ibid. 45 Cf. Andrew Selth, “Burma and Superpower Rivalries in the Asia-Pacific,” Naval War College Review 55, no. 2 (2002): 52. 46 Cf. ibid. 53. 47 Cf. Poon Kim Shee, “The Political Economy of China-Myanmar Relations: Strategic and Economic Dimensions,” Ritsumeikan Annual Review of International Studies 1 (2002): 39. 48 Cf. Colum Lynch, “Russia, China Veto Resolution on Burma,” Washington Post, January 13, 2007. 49 Cf. Selth, Burma... 52-53 and Poon Kim Shee, The Political... 39. Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→Ineffective Measures from the West

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weak counterinsurgency force barely able to maintain internal security into a very large, much more powerful defense force.”50 The consequences this has for the prospect of social change within the country are obvious. It is obvious that the Western democracies have not much room for maneuver to directly influence the Burmese junta towards democratization. But it also has been made clear that it is uncertain whether they would use it if they had – the West has so far, despite all the rhetorics, been unable to take a common stance on the issue.

50 Cf. Selth, Burma... 56. Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→Ineffective Measures from the West

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Bibliography –M. Busse, S. Braun, “Trade and Investment Effects of Forced Labour: An Empirical Assessment,” International Labour Review 142, no.1 (2003). –Kyaw Yin Hlaing, “Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar: A Review of the Lady’s Biographies,” Contemporary Southeast Asia 29, no. 2. (2007). –Charles A. Rarick, “Destroying a Country in Order to Save It: The Folly of Economic Sanctions Against Myanmar,” Economic Affairs 26, no. 2 (2006). –Poon Kim Shee, “The Political Economy of China-Myanmar Relations: Strategic and Economic Dimensions,” Ritsumeikan Annual Review of International Studies 1 (2002). –Aung San Suu Kyi, “Freedom from Fear,” (London: Penguin, 1991). –Aung San Suu Kyi, Letters from Burma (London: Penguin 1997). –Kanbawza Win, A Burmese Perspective: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The Nobel Laureate (Bangkok: CPDSK Publications, 1992). –Garry Woodward, “Burmas Quest for Democracy,” Journal of Democracy 3, no. 1, 1992.

Carsten Kaefert: Aung San Suu Kyi: Against All Odds→Bibliography

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