William Charles Cotton And Robert Campbell 1842

William Charles Cotton and Robert Campbel – colonial beekeepers in Sydney 1842 Robert Campbell senior, and his eldest son John, were prominent and respected Sydney merchants for many decades. They were also talented and advanced beekeepers as I shall demonstrate. Campbell senior 1 , a Scottish merchant, arrived in Sydney in June 1798. “Campbell & Co. was soon heavily involved in the Australian trade, having £50,000 worth of goods in its Sydney warehouses in 1804.” 2 Through trading at reasonable prices he challenged the monopoly of the New South Wales Corps. A canny businessman, Campbell maximised the profitability of speculative voyages by the purchase of suitable land on which to build berthing and warehouse facilities. This avoided downward pressure on prices when the colonial market was swamped with freshly landed product. By 1803 he had built a storehouse, a large residence and a wharf, known as Campbell’s Wharf. “By 1810 another wharf had been added, behind which in its own garden stood Campbell’s house finished in an elegant manner with colonnades and two fronts.” Nehemiah Bartley in Australian Pioneers and Reminiscences, 1849-1894 3, briefly mentions Campbell and Co. as they were in the year of William Cotton’s Sydney visit “In 1842 R. Campbell, jun., and Co. were general merchants in Bligh-street 4, Sydney … they sold tea, rice, pickles, spirits, iron, and hemp goods.” Balancing Campbell’s astute business acumen “… the merchant’s name became synonymous with fair trading, reduced prices and generous credit, and was publicly acknowledged by small settlers, officers and governors alike … Governor Bligh was told ‘… the price of his merchandise was the same in time of scarcity as in abundance … he protected the poor and distressed settlers; and that in fact he was the only private pillar which supported the honest people of the Colony.’ ” 5 Samuel Shumack recalled in An autobiography or tales and legends of Canberra pioneers 6 “In the early days I constantly came in contact with ‘old hands’ who had worked under Merchant Campbell. They spoke of him as a just and honourable man, and I never heard of one unjust or harsh action during those early years when injustice and oppression were the rule.” (p.3) Son Robert Jnr. was also held in high regard. Alexander Brodie Spark of Tempe on Cooks River, diarised on 15 April 1843 “Wrought up my resolution to call on Mr R Campbell Jr. of Bligh Street, for my heavy debt to whom he is but inadequately secured. He received me kindly, expressed his sorrow for my situation, and told me that if I could not pay him the interest, he would never ask it. He directed me to write him my proposal and he would answer me, and I came away not a little affected by his generosity.”

1

My summary of the biographical entry in The Australian Encyclopaedia (Vol. II, p.246) is as follows “Pioneer Sydney merchant (born 28 April 1769, died 15 April 1846), arrived June 1798 aboard the Hunter, received permission to lease land on the western side of Sydney Cove, to erect buildings, and carry on trade. Returned to India, arrived back in Sydney 1800, when he constructed buildings and a wharf, widely used, which became known as Campbell’s wharf. In 1825 he was appointed a member of the first Legislative Council in NSW and he held a seat on it until 1843. He was one of the first settlers in the district in which Canberra was later built. He received a grant of 5000 acres of land, for which the deed was issued in October 1834, although it had been occupied some years earlier. He named the property Duntroon (being himself related to the Campbells of Duntroon Castle, Argyleshire), and it remained in the possession of his family until 1910, when the Commonwealth Government acquired it for a military college.” 2 Steven, Margaret. Australian Dictionary of Biography, Volume I, pp.202-206 3 Bartley, Nehemiah (1896) Australian Pioneers and Reminiscences, 1849-1894, John Ferguson, Sydney, 1978. 4 Bligh-street was , location of their office of business. 5 Bartley, Nehemiah (1896) Australian Pioneers and Reminiscences, 1849-1894, John Ferguson, Sydney, 1978. 6 An autobiography or tales and legends of Canberra pioneers, (p.3)

Robert Campbell snr. (Mitchell Library, Sydney)

Campbell’s Cove snuggles on the north western shore of Circular Quay, just south of Dawes Point and the southern footings of the Sydney Harbour Bridge. Stone warehouses remain but the Campbell house is long since demolished.

Robert Campbell

I see it as no coincidence that the barque Tomatin, carrying the first Bishop of New Zealand, his family and entourage for Auckland, berthed at Campbell’s Wharf after it was damaged on entering Sydney Harbour on 14 April 1842. Nor do I find it surprising that the Anglican Bishop Selwyn, his family and chaplain, William Charles Cotton, were made guests of Robert Campbell. Robert became well connected with the Church of England and its Bishop in Sydney. 7 “As the business of his firm progressed (c1837-38), and his three eldest sons became firmly established in their various fields, Robert Campbell gave increased attention to charitable work and church affairs. … his house and garden at the wharf were always available for fetes and functions to raise money for charity. Bishop Broughton continued to be a frequent visitor.” In 1837 Campbell gave land and a donation for the construction of St Peter’s Church, Cooks River. 8 Campbell’s worth to Cotton as host provided significant 7 8

Newman (1961) p.166 Newman (1961) The Spirit of Wharf House, p.166

benefit, for both Robert Campbell Snr and eldest son John were beekeepers, their apiary located in the garden beside Wharf House which stood back from Campbell’s Wharf. Cotton’s beekeeping mania was about to be fed. I’m confident the missing second volume of Cotton’s journals would have documented the proceedings of the valuable beekeeper introductions Campbell was sure to have provided. Unfortunately, this lost volume covered the period of Cotton’s stopover in Sydney, between 15 April and 19 May 1842 9. Most likely appraised by a letter from home of its non-arrival, and hence its implied disappearance, Cotton replied, lamenting its loss in his letter of April 1843, a copy of which is pasted into his third volume “I fear Vol II should have perished (obsit omen) I will endeavour to give a tabular abstract of these three months ...” What interesting reading it would have made as it progressed through his various beekeeper appointments.

A Letter from ‘An Australian”, 1864 Some eight years ago I became aware of an antiquarian bee book authored by Dr. John Cumming, titled Bee-Keeping, by “The Times” Bee-Master, first published London, 1864. The advertisement for Cumming’s book stated it contained correspondence from Australian beekeepers. With that inviting attraction to my some time bee book collecting obsession, I was tempted to part with US$150. Given the Australian Dollar’s decidedly weaker position, however, that purchase had to wait. Eventually, possession of a copy and access to the clues within this book and resulting research have enabled me here to definitively declare that Robert Campbell Snr. and his eldest son John were beekeepers. The evidence follows. Moving forward to June 2001, I received from Joseph Bray of San Diego, California, another in his series, Beekeeping and Related Subjects Occasional List, his periodical antiquarian bee book catalogue. Listed within was another copy of the 1864 edition of Cumming’s book, again mine for US$150 (approx. AUD$290). Joseph and I have corresponded previously on a friendly and productive basis so I contacted him to see if the book was still available, outlining the reasons for my interest. Unfortunately, it had been sold though not yet dispatched. 10 Joseph kindly wrote back “I spent some of my evening scanning the pages of the book for any other Australian references but couldn’t find any others. However, Cumming does occasionally refer to My Bee Book, and at one point he describes it as ‘ The first and most useful, as well as most beautiful modern work on bees ... It is profusely illustrated, and is the most genial and instructive work on bees it has been my lot to read. I have felt so great an interest in this good clergyman, that it often occurred to me to try to ascertain where he was and what he was doing. ...’ ” Joseph then referred to correspondence within containing reference to Cotton. It was simply signed “An Australian. London 12th August, 1864”. Bray’s review of Cumming’s book states “Dr. Cumming was styled the ‘The Times Bee-Master’ after his letters on beekeeping provoked a deluge of replies from an enthusiastic but sometimes critical readership of that newspaper. Rather than respond to each inquiry individually, Cumming issued this marvelous bee book, presenting his ideas of bee management. Luckily, Cumming also included many of the letters addressed to him and his responses, providing a fascinating view of the controversies of the day.” Fraser (1958) in Beekeeping in Antiquity wrote of Cumming “He seems to have been a good beekeeper, for he entirely objected to sulphuring bees, and he was well read on the subject. He strongly believed that his bees knew him.” Cotton championed such sentiments. The 1864 letter’s author held similar views. This letter to The Times Bee-Master, in part, reads “Our chief guide in the management was a book written by the Rev. Mr. Cotton, called ‘My Bee-Book’ and it may be interesting to mention, that when in after years that gentleman accompanied the Bishop of New Zealand to that country, via 9

volume two commenced 15 May, concluding 20 August 1842 Early in 2002 Joseph Bray procured another copy of Cumming’s book which I promptly acquired.

10

Australia, he was my father’s guest. Mr. Cotton’s delight at finding his favourites so appreciated was only equaled by our pleasure in meeting the author of ‘My Bee-Book’ … ” The title page of Cotton’s My Bee Book shows its publication year as 1842. Cotton sailed on the Tomatin on 26 December 1841, arriving in Sydney in April 1842. Prior to departure could he have taken on board some pre-publication copies of his book ? I think it possible though unlikely. Campbell’s wrote “Our chief guide … was a book written by the Rev. Mr. Cotton … in after years that gentleman … was my father’s guest” These words construe that My Bee Book had been in use for some time prior to Cotton’s arrival, that his “fame” had preceded him. However, John has confused the actual chronology of events. Cotton accompanied the Bishop of New Zealand in the same year as the publication of My Bee Book, ie., 1842. It’s possible Campbell was referring not to My Bee Book, but to its precursors, Cotton’s 1837 and 1838 “letters”, addressed particularly to England’s cottage beekeepers. The 1837 publication of twenty-four pages was A short and simple letter to cottagers from a conservative beekeeper. A further four editions subsequently appeared up to 1842, as well as an American edition in 1841. British Bee Books, A bibliography 1500-1976 states “There was a second letter to cottagers, apparently published three years after the first (ie., 1840), but we have not seen a copy earlier than 1842, both letters then being included in My bee book. Walker cites the two letters together, dated 1843 and 1844.” (p.121) Given this evidence, its possible it was Cotton’s 1837, produced five years before My Bee Book that John was referring to. Either way, some latitude should be allowed in John’s sequencing of events. Writing in 1864 at the age of sixty-two years 11, he was recounting Cotton’s visit of twenty-two years prior. And finally, to confirm that John Campbell did write the 1864 letter, Cotton named his temporary Sydney landlord. From my transcriptions of Cotton’s script during study of his journals at the Mitchell Library between 1995 and 1997, I located a letter home 12 dated May 1842. Cotton clearly wrote “Mr. R. Campbell lent the Bishop his house at Woolloommoolloo 13 (sic) for the first 3 weeks to follow when the Tomatin has been hove down”. Therefore the Australian correspondent to The Times Beemaster was one of Campbell’s sons. I had originally thought William Cotton was geographically confused when he mentioned Woolloomooloo, for I’d assumed he was writing from Wharf House which overlooked Campbell’s Cove, however Cotton was specific on where he was to temporarily reside. Other than Wharf House over in Sydney Cove, what property in Woolloomooloo had Campbell provided for his guests ? This question triggered some further research into the early houses and residents of that locale. I’m unsure if “his house” is to be taken literally. A possible candidate appears to have been Woolloomooloo House, owned by Robert Campbell’s brother-in-law John Palmer. 14 A watercolour painting of it by Sophia (Palmer) Campbell is held at the National Library of Australia. To zero in on which son wrote the letter, Robert Campbell Snr., who died in 1846, was survived by four sons: John (1802-1886), Robert (1804-1859), Charles and George (1818-1881). It’s unlikely to have been George, who, even though he died in 1881 some years after the letter was written, was mostly involved with the family property of Duntroon from 1839. On his father’s death in 1846 he became its owner. Newman (1961) “Duntroon became the country house in which any member of the Wharf family could rest if he wished. John was wedded to business, but the others used the house quite often.” It cannot have been Robert Jnr who “joined his father in politics and public affairs”, but most definitely because he died

11

At the time of his death in 1886 John was aged 84. He was interred at St. John’s, Parramatta. Mitchell Library, Cotton’s diary Vol. 3. Ref. CY664, MS35, 21st August 1842 to 25th February 1843, p.2 frame.247 13 Cotton’s spelling was “Woolloommoolloo”; today’s spelling is “Woolloomooloo” 14 last paragraph, p.25, from Sydney Cove to Duntroon … 12

in 1859, five years before the letter was written. Charles “joined his father on the land in 1835” (p.168) so he appears to have had much less to do with Wharf House than his older brothers John and Robert. “By 1822 Robert Campbell’s two eldest sons (aged 20 and 18) were at work with Campbell & Co., …” (p.139) They “had joined their father in his business and were able to relieve him of some of his responsibilities. They traveled about in ships dispatched to carry merchandise …” (p.130) and “had no fixed routine in the office … They supervised work at the wharf, in the stores … and developed a knowledge of the mercantile business. They traveled in ships, interviewed customers and suppliers, saw timber cut and shipped, and meat salted and sold. They acted as extra eyes, ears and mouthpieces for their father, though it was not long before they were giving orders on their own account.” (p.139) John became de-facto head of Campbell & Co. in 1830. “By 1836 John was the head of the business and young Robert the public relations representative.” (p.173) “Wharf House was the home of a prosperous and happy family. Although the two eldest sons had built their own houses, few days passed without both of them entering their old home, and Charles, who was living at Duntroon, was a frequent visitor to Sydney. (p.163) … John had moved to Clunes, a house he had built in Cambridge Street, Stanmore. It was a solid, two-storey building … the area was quiet, and there John could entertain customers and others away from the noise of the wharf and overcrowded Wharf House.” (p.174) But there’s no doubt bees were kept in the Wharf House garden - refer to the chapter “Sophia Ives Campbell, swarm-catcher of Wharf House” on page 14. By process of elimination it’s my deduction the letter’s author was John. On his father’s death in 1846 John moved from Clunes back to Wharf House. Cotton’s 1837 twenty-four page A Short and Simple Letter to Cottagers, from a Bee Preserver, which realised a distribution of some twenty-four thousand copies, was followed by Part II, Natural Theology of Bees in 1842. The first letter was “intended to be a manual of Bee-keeping, my second of Beeobserving. The second cannot stand without the first; the first is needed for profit – but he who neglects the second, loses all the pleasure and instruction which may be derived from this most delightful of all country pursuits.” An updated version of his first letter forms the first part of My Bee Book and the second letter is re-produced near its end. Cotton allowed that some copies might “go into foreign parts”. 15 It’s possible that at least one copy of his Cotton’s Short and Simple Letter to Cottagers found avid readers in Sydney between 1837 and 1842. These readers included the beekeeping Campbell’s of Wharf House in Sydney. John closed his dissertation to Cumming “P.S. I have never had an opportunity of keeping bees in England. I shall look for your promised manual, as I hope some day I may be able to have some of my favourites to care for. I may add, my father procured our original stock from Tasmania, in the common straw hive, a bit of pierced tin fastened over the entrance. ...”

Early Childhood Memories, 1810-1814 John Campbell’s letter to The Times Bee-Master recounted “From early childhood 16 I shared my father’s interest in his pets; and at one time I could have counted upwards of ninety hives in the two apiaries which he kept for his own amusement, and for the encouragement of those who were willing to keep bees. Everyone was welcome to a swarm who cared to ask for one.”

15

My Bee Book, Preface, p.xli Campbell Snr obtained his first stock of bees from Tasmania, (see page 23) so swarms should have been available some reasonable time after January 1831 when Thomas Braidwood Wilson successfully introduced bees there. John would then have been aged around twenty-nine. 16

View to the east by Conrad Martens, 1842, overlooking the gable of Campbell’s Wharf House (leftmost), then across Sydney Cove with Government House prominent at centre, itself overlooking Farm Cove to the east, behind which lies Woolloomooloo.

The question arises in this instance whether John was describing a pair of apiaries in England or Australia, despite the letter’s opening mention of “It may be interesting to you … to hear that my experience in Australia of the habits … of your little favourites is identical to your own.” John, born in 1802 in Sydney, would have been aged twenty when Captain Wallace introduced hives of bees into Sydney in 1822. Assuming “early childhood” refers to an age approaching around ten years, was John was recalling a time c1812 ? To answer the question I’ve constructed a chronology of events based on the contents of C.E.T. Newman’s (1961) The Spirit of Wharf House: • • •

•

In January 1805 when John was aged around three years, his father, mother and younger brother Robert sailed to England. Some eighteen months later in August 1806 the family had returned to Sydney. In May 1810, when John was aged eight years, the family returned to England where they remained for approximately four years. It think it most likely that this was the period when Robert Campbell entertained “upwards of ninety hives in the two apiaries”. The family, except for John, aged thirteen years, and his younger brother Robert, aged eleven years, arrived back in Sydney in March 1815. 17 The two boys remained in England to continue their schooling.

From close study of the bulk of John’s 1864 letter, there’s certainty that the remainder of his recollections were sited in Australia. As well, the letter provides fascinating insights into colonial beekeeping methods practiced from 1832, the earliest likely year when Robert Campbell sourced honeybees from Tasmania.

Beekeeping Introductions, 1842 In My Bee Book Cotton wrote “The Bee of England, if he be but good of his kind, is, I think, surpassed by none in the world. I will not get Bees from India – nor Bees from South America – nor bees from New Holland (ie., Australia), but carry them direct from England, sixteen thousand miles over the sea.” It’s ironic, having suffered the loss of his meticulously prepared beehives at sea in early 1842, Cotton needed to view Sydney as a source for some bees. And doubly so, for the descendants of bees he eventually acquired were brought from England to Australia via Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania). Fortune did, however, smile upon him for in the Campbells he found perfect bee-aware hosts. With their

17

Kerr, Joan (1982) from Sydney Cove to Duntroon, a Family Album of Early Life in Australia (p.37)

prominent position within commercial, political 18, religious 19 and social circles 20, the Campbells were exceedingly well placed to provide Cotton with the beekeeper introductions he would have eagerly accepted. I propose that through the Campbell introductions Cotton was able to visit: • Alexander Macleay, prominent Sydney citizen, most likely at his Elizabeth Bay residence, whose garden, famous for its rare specimens of plants, was described as a “botanist’s paradise” 21; Macleay was a member of the Legislative Council between 1826 to c1836. Campbell sat on the Council between 1825 and 1843. • Elizabeth Macarthur at Elizabeth Farm, Parramatta “who has a capital apiary” 22

18

•

Elizabeth’s nephew, Hannibal Macarthur of Vineyard House, located on the north bank of the Parramatta River “A large property 15 miles from Sydney bounded one side by a tidal river, navigable for small steamers & on the other side extensive forests, chiefly composed of gum trees, & a good sized farm house with cultivated fields, and outbuildings ¾ of a mile from the house. Large gardens & in the heart of the forest, a semi-circular terraced vineyard, with a stream at the foot, bordered with ferns & mimosa, a lovely spot.” 23

•

Gregory Blaxland 24 25 at his property Brush Farm outside Parramatta;

•

Revd. Dr. Thomas Steele, the Parson of St. Peter’s, Cook’s River 26;

“He was one of the three private members appointed to the newly constituted Legislative Council in 1825, where he remained a member until it was replaced by the reformed Council in 1843”. Aust. Dict. Biography, Vol. I 19 Campbell was an active and financially contributive member of the Presbyterian Scott’s Church in Sydney. “… a growing connection with the Church of England, strengthened by the affiliation of his wife and intimates (eg., Rowland Hassall 1768-1820, Samuel Marsden 1764-1838, Bishop Broughton) was emphasised by generous endowments.” Aust Dict. Biography, Vol. I 20 amongst the pallbearers at Robert Campbell’s funeral were Alexander Macleay and Alexander Berry 21 Fletcher, J. J. “The Society’s Heritage from the Macleays”, Proc. Linn. Soc. NSW., vol. 45 (1920) 22 from a Cotton letter dated April 1843 23 Emmeline Macarthur, Hannibal’s daughter, recounted from the time when she was thirteen years old, in The Recollections of Emmeline Maria Macarthur (1828-1911) 24 I assume Cotton was referring to Gregory rather than his brother John, for Cotton simply wrote “I paid a visit to … Mr Blaxland.” From a Cotton letter dated April 1843 25 The online version of the Australian Dictionary of Biography provides “Gregory sailed in the William Pitt on 1 September 1805 with his wife, three children, two servants, an overseer, a few sheep, seed, bees, tools, groceries and clothing.” In my Volume I theorized the substance of Blaxland’s dispute with the ship’s captain, both before and after his arrival in Sydney, was the captain’s refusal to allow Blaxland’s bees aboard. Whatever the reason, a lengthy dispute was not out of character: the online version of the Australian Dictionary of Biography states Blaxland was “Always a man of moody and mercurial character …”. Accidents with bees on ships were not unknown. From The Quarterly Review, Dec. 1842 “The inhabitants of the Isles of Greece transport their hives by sea, in order to procure change of pasturage for their bees. Huish relates (p.287) that ‘Not long ago a hive on one of these vessels was overturned, and the bees spread themselves over the whole vessel. They attacked the sailors with great fury, who, to save themselves, swam ashore. They could not return to their boat until the bees were in a state of tranquility, having previously provided themselves with proper ingredients for creating a smoke, to suffocate the bees in case of a renewal of their hostility’ ” (Huish, Robert. 1817, A treatise on the nature, economy, and practical management of bees; p.15) . 26 “In 1837 Campbell Snr. gave land and money towards the cost of building St. Peter’s Church, Cook’s River, and contributed funds towards an Anglican Cathedral for Sydney”. Aust. Dict. Biography, Vol. I; The Spirit of Wharf House, p.166

•

and the merchant gentleman, Alexander Spark 27 and his wife Frances at “Tempe”, close by the banks of Cook’s River, up stream from Botany Bay.

Cotton’s acclaimed mastery over his bees was temporarily thwarted when handling Campbell’s bees for in John’s letter he humorously recounted “… but sad to say, our bees conceived a dislike to their visitor; and upon his exhibiting his fearlessness in handling bees, he was stung (much to the amusement of some small bystanders) by two wicked bees ... ”. I doubt Cotton documented this embarrassing episode. The month of May in Sydney concludes the season of Autumn, a time when he should have been safe inspecting the bees. Cotton’s exuberance and joy at working a hive for the first time in Australia likely tested the bees patience.

Gregory Blaxland (1778 - 1853), by unknown artist, 1813, State Library of NSW. GPO 1 – 14069

Colonial Beekeeping, Sydney, 1832 to 1842 Reminiscent of the free-standing bee-house designed by Marianne Campbell at Duntroon, 28 John Campbell described his form of bee-house. As well he painted a clear picture of the advanced methods of keeping bees in Sydney to The Times Bee-master in 1864. There’s no doubt these events partook in Australia for John mentions “gum-trees hollowed out by the action of fires through the bush”, an unmistakable Australian occurrence. John opened with “It may be interesting to you, whose letters in The Times have so delighted me, to hear that my experience in Australia of the habits, instincts, and affections (if I may so apply the word) of your little favourites is identical with your own.

27

From Spark’s diary entry for 6 April 1837 “A deputation, consisting of Messrs R. Jones, Willm. Macarthur, Jas. Bowman, Robert Scott, Robert Campbell Jr. and myself, waited on Mr McLeay at his house to present the Address which had been prepared, and very numerously signed, on the occasion of his involuntary retirement from the office of Colonial Secretary. In reading his reply the fine old septuagenarian was much moved, his voice quavered and his eyes filled with tears …”Abbott, Graham & Little, Geoffrey (1976) The Respectable Sydney Merchant, A. B. Spark of Tempe, Sydney University Press (p.76) 28

Refer page 12

Campbell’s Wharf, Wharf House and attached garden (centre right)

I may give some curious facts as to the sagacity and gratitude of these insects. During the prevalence of the hot winds, 29 it sometimes happens that the delicate comb melts, and the first indication is a stream of melted honey and smothering bees. I have been called to the rescue, and have taken up honey and bees in my hands, placed them in a basin of tepid water, and spread my fingers as landing-stages until all capable of restoration have plumed their wings and buzzed gratefully away, and so on until order and comfort was restored to the disturbed hive. I never was stung on any occasion whilst working amongst the bees, and only twice that I remember, and then by meeting an angry bee accidentally in the garden. The buzz of an angry bee is quite well known to their lovers. Of course we could not house all our swarms, so they went off to the woods and found habitations in gum-trees hollowed out by the action of fires through the bush. I recollect one swarm, however, belonging to a neighbour, which preferred its old quarters, and actually built the combs and filled them with honey suspended from beneath the shelf upon which the hives were ranged in the open air. Its ultimate fate I do not remember. Bees have many enemies in Australia; the greatest is probably the sugar-ant. To protect them from these intruders, we had the hives ranged on shelves, the supports of which stood in wide vessels of water, alike a protection against other foes. The apiaries were built open in front and ends, against a wall, with thatched roof and overhanging eaves; and there was a space between the shelf on which the hives stood and the wall, where one could sit or stand and watch them; for most of our hives were square, made of wood, with glass slides and wooden shutters; and the bees were so accustomed to be looked at, that they kept their side of the glass quite clean, and generally built a smooth surface of comb next to the glass, leaving space to move between the comb and the glass; and I have often seen the queen, surrounded by her admiring subjects (exactly as you describe) making her progress across the comb, each attendant bee with its head next her majesty, fanning with its wings, and one could hear a purr of satisfaction.

29

The intensity of Sydney’s hot Summers heightens in January and February. The Argus, a Melbourne newspaper, mentions hives that melted in sun. (5 October 1867, p.5c)

John Campbell in later years

The antipathies of the bee are very curious. I have known one individual who was chased perpetually round the garden, and I have seen him obliged to rush through a hedge to escape his little tormentors. Their feuds were sometimes most violent, and I have had to remove a hive from one apiary to the other, 30 a distance of half a mile, to preserve the bees. Your plan of super-hives is excellent. Most of our hives were square, and all of wood. The straw hives proved a harbour for insects, and deprived us of the pleasure of watching the bees at work. We used large confectioners glasses as supers, 31 turned upside down. They were speedily filled, and we could ensure honey flavoured with the different blossoms, by placing the glass during the season of orange-blossom, or heliotrope &c., &c. … A relation of my own kept her bees in the verandah of her drawing-room; and she has frequently cut out of the hive a large piece of comb, taking care not to break it, and merely cutting through the little connecting links of wax which support the layers of comb; and this she could do with impunity from the super of a busy hive, simply because she lived amongst her bees. I have never had an opportunity of keeping bees in England. I shall look for your promised manual, as I hope some day I may be able to have some of my favourites to care for. One system I do not see alluded to, which we found answer very well, when we wished, for any cause, to take the old comb and start the bees afresh. We used in the early dawn to place the full hive over an empty one, covering all with a large cloth, and then beat the top hive steadily, not roughly, with a stick. Very soon the queen would take refuge in the lower box, when a board was slipped between, and the upper old hive removed. The bees (the few that loitered behind the queen) soon left the honey to join their friends: at night the new hive was carried to the site of the old one, and turned up upon its own board. We always had cross bars of wood on the hives, upon which the swarm at first clung.” Given Campbell’s explicit reference to Cottons My Bee Book as “Our chief guide in the management (of bees)”, I wondered if John Campbell’s method of beekeeping bore relation to either of Cotton’s two “Letters to Cottagers” or to My Bee Book itself. Though I found some parallels to Cotton’s 1837 letter, the Campbells used relatively advanced methods. Cotton acknowledges the use of straw skeps and acclaims methods of taking honey without killing all the bees. 30 31

This apiary may well have been located at Woolloomooloo House. See The Argus, 18 June 1861, p.7c, it mentions “honey taken in glasses and boxes from the tops of the hives”

“In France, Germany, Switzerland, indeed everywhere, except in England, they never kill their bees.” (p.62) “Some of them make their straw hives with the top to take off, and fasten it down with wooden pegs: in July, they pull out the pegs, and with a large knife cut away the top of the hive from the combs which are fixed to it, like the top of a pumpkin: they then cut out what honey the Bees can spare, never caring for those which are flying about their heads: for they will not touch them if they have a pipe in their mouth. When they have helped themselves, they peg the top down again, and leave the Bees to make all straight, and gather honey enough for the winter in August and September …

A close up view of the garden adjacent Wharf House. Note the dovecote at centre. Unfortunately there’s no obvious sign of beehives.

Others put another large Hive on the top of a strong stock in May, as in done in some parts of England, which prevents their swarming. This Hive they take off when full. Others turn up their Hives in July or August, and cut out some of the combs. Others, who know more about it, place square wooden boxes one on another, putting empty boxes below, and taking away full ones from the top. … Some who know more about it, put an empty wooden box in front, and take it when full. These ways are clumsy, much worse than those I am going to teach you, but all better than burning the Bees.” (pp.65-66) For the taking of honey Campbell used a method compatible to that of Cotton’s, although stackable wooden boxes were the medium. Again from Cotton’s first Letter “Make your hives with a hole at the top, an inch and a half over, with a bung to fit into it. This is needed for the plan of capping, which I am now going to teach you. In May, when your Hives get full of Bees, and they begin to hang out, put a small straw Hive, which will hold about 10 lbs., on the top of a strong stock, after you have pulled out the bung from the hole at the top. It should have a bit of glass worked into the back, that you may see when it is full. In good places … the Bees will fill it sometimes in a week or ten days. Directly it is full, take it off …” (p.74) Cotton’s prime rule matches the care and concern practiced by Campbell to ensure the welfare of his bees. Cotton in 1837 “Well then, let this be your first rule, Never kill one.” (pp.65-66) Cotton proceeded to describe the use of ventilated side box hives which “were first brought into general use by Mr. Nutt. Side boxes were, however, made one hundred years ago by Mr. White, but without ventilators, which is the grand thing. … You will see directly how much easier it is for the Bees to store their honey in a side box, than in one Hive put on the top of another … it is much easier to keep a side

box cool, than one Hive when put upon another. The fanning which Bees make on a hot day at the door shows how they like coolness. You often see hundreds hanging out when it is too hot to work; and cases have even been known, where the combs, made soft by heat, have fallen down, and smothered the Bees. All this is prevented by that hard word - VENTILATION.” (pp.83-84) Cotton, however, would have accepted the hives in use by Campbell: “most of our hives were square, made of wood, with glass slides and wooden shutters ...Your plan (ie., Cumming’s) of super-hives is excellent. Most of our hives were square, and all of wood. The straw hives proved a harbour for insects, and deprived us of the pleasure of watching the bees at work.”

Marianne Campbell, Beekeeper of “Duntroon” At a collectors’ meet at Nambour Showground in June 2002 over 150 stallholders were present together with several thousand eager collectors looking for that special find. I was one of the hopefuls and there I found and bought a book most useful to my research. Published in 1982 and titled from Sydney Cove to Duntroon, A family Album of Early Life in Australia, this beautifully illustrated book portrays the artwork of two remarkable women, the first, Marianne Campbell, mistress of Duntroon and wife to George Campbell; and Sophia Campbell, mistress of Wharf House and wife of Robert Campbell Snr. Of Charles Campbell’s wife, Catherine Irene (Palmer) Campbell, Newman wrote (1961) “At Duntroon in the early 1840s Mrs Charles Campbell kept a very good house, and her father-in-law (Robert snr.) enjoyed planning in the garden and elsewhere …” 32 Kerr (1982) Of George’s wife Marianne “Like her father, moral and spiritual values derived from England, as did her cultural ones. She continued to paint English flowers and she furnished Duntroon House and garden largely with English imports. … At first, Marianne’s anglophile attitudes were most clearly expressed in architecture. This apparently surprising preoccupation for a woman was by no means uncommon in the nineteenth century. … One of her greatgrandsons still owns her small household book which initially was almost entirely given over to designs and sketches for domestic buildings. It contains designs and plans for the enlargement and improvement of Duntroon House itself; for garden buildings such as a ‘Bees’ House’ and fencing for the estate. A separate later watercolour displays a practical plan for improving the drainage on the estate, so Marianne’s interests extended well beyond architectural embellishment. However, most of the plans in the book are of ground plans and elevations for cottages on the estate …” 33 It seems the Bees’ House, if built, would have been constructed c1862. “The dense exotic plantings of the garden and the multi-gabled house and cottages suggest an English estate transported to the bare Limestone Plains. … Marianne’s garden was another important part of her life. It was said she planted a tree in it from every country she had visited. That, too, was typically Victorian and reflected the English and colonial taste for gardens containing the greatest possible variety of plants.” (p.57)

32 33

p.167 pp.55-56

By permission of the National Library of Australia Bees’ House design from Mrs Campbell’s household sketchbook (catalogued manuscript MS840)

The design of a Bees’ House within Marianne Campbell’s small household sketchbook is twice mentioned 34 in from Sydney Cove to Duntroon … “Like the Duntroon extensions and the bees’ house, all the staff cottages were in a domestic Victorian Gothic style, with gables, barge-boards, small porches or verandahs and diamond lead-light windows.” This sketchbook was stated to be in the possession of one of Marianne Campbell’s great-grandsons. Her c1875 addition to Duntroon House of “a large new conservatory with a conical glass roof” is suggestive of the Victorian period Berkshire bee house illustrated below. I therefore suspected Marianne’s bees’ house would have been of a similar design. It seemed natural to me to conclude that bees would have been kept at Duntroon but I’d not come across any evidence of this, apart from Robert Senr’s residence there from 1846. Newman (1961) wrote of Duntroon “The house and grounds had been fashioned as the country residence of a city man on the model of types in the Old Country. The garden, enclosed by a hedge, was typically British.” Armed with the new knowledge that Marianne had c1862 designed a bees’ house while at Duntroon, it appears certain that honey, meade and beeswax were as common as garden vegetables and flowers about their Limestone Plains home.

34

page 56

A Victorian bee house at the Berkshire College of Agriculture, Hall Place, Burchett’s Green, Berkshire

I wrote to the National Library of Australia and received prompt reply from the Reference Services Librarian. Ms. Frei performed a search and graciously supplied a photocopy of the relevant page from the household sketchbook, illustrated above. The three hives drawn within the bees’ house appear to be box hives topped by glass bell jars. Accommodation for at least nine hives is available.

Sophia Ives Campbell, swarm-catcher of Wharf House Newman (1961) “The two daughters had been in charge of Wharf House since their mother (Sophia Campbell) died in 1833.” It’s my assumption it was the daughter, Sophia Ives 35 Campbell, who was mentioned in her uncle John’s 1864 letter to The Times Bee-Master. Sophia Ives Campbell was inadvertently part of the beekeeping scene, having fearlessly survived a settling swarm of bees upon her hand and arm. John wrote “On one occasion a swarm met my sister, and actually began to settle on her hand and arm. She knew their ways, and walked very slowly on (of course surrounded by bees) until she found what she considered a comfortable bough, under which she held her hand. The queen adopted the suggestion, and after a few minutes patiently standing amidst the confusion, she quietly retired, and, as you will believe, unharmed.” Assuming Campbell obtained his hive from Tasmania around 1835 when Clayton’s apiary at O’Brien’s Bridge near Hobart Town was freely producing swarms, Sophia Ives would have been aged around twenty-three years.

Unfulfilled Promises Almost twelve months after Cotton’s Sydney visit he wrote home 36 on 21 April 1843 “My Dear Arthur, my brother and my Godson. … I hope to have some bees sent over to me from friends in Sydney, where they prosper, as I wrote to you before, most wonderfully.” Despite promises Cotton received during his stay in Sydney, no bees were forthcoming from Elizabeth Macarthur at Parramatta. Some nine weeks after his April 1843 letter, the day before Cotton recorded the Shamrock was to sail for Sydney, he noted in his journal on Friday, 7 July 1843 “I also sent a note to Mrs McArthur of Parramatta begging her to fulfil her promise of sending me some Bees.” Which Shamrock was Cotton referring to? From Newman (1961) The Spirit of Wharf House “The sons John and Robert (Campbell) visited their father frequently (at Duntroon), and in 1844 they spoke of their

35

Sophia Ives Campbell, born in England, 1812, sailed for Australia in 1815 with her parents, Robert and Sophia. It’s my guess she was the swarm-catcher, however it could equally have been her younger sister Sarah born c1816 in Sydney. 36 letter located by Bruce Stevenson in 1997 at the Auckland Institute & Museum, New Zealand.

trips in the Shamrock, which was the crack steamer of her time.” 37 The steamer Shamrock 38 was at one time owned by Campbell & Co. Again from Newman (1961): In 1844 “Another Shamrock, a schooner, was about to sail for New Zealand …” It would appear it was the schooner which delivered Cotton’s bees. 39

Other New South Wales beekeeping friends had also defaulted on their best intentions, probably due to their own agricultural priorities, the difficulties of organizing shipping and covering expenses, and the absence of a suitable chaperone, one with both opportunity and time for a minimum fourteen day return voyage to the Bay of Islands, New Zealand. Such an opportunity arose when Cotton’s friend, James Busby, acted as his beehive collection emissary during the latter’s July 1843 Sydney visit. Cotton’s friends thus need only provide a hive. Busby would see to arrangements and accompany their carriage. 40 Among those Cotton visited in Sydney during April and/or May 1842 were:

Hannibal Macarthur As covered in my book The Immigrant Bees (Volume II), Hannibal Macarthur’s daughter Emmeline, then some thirteen years old, recounted, as published in My Dear Miss Macarthur, The Recollections of Emmeline Maria Macarthur (1828-1911) 41 “In 1841 42 Bishop Selwyn, the first Bishop of New Zealand, arrived with his chaplain Mr. Cotton, who was delighted to find my Father as enthusiastic about bees as he was. He wrote ‘My Bee Book’. I remember his putting a small star of tin foil on the Queen Bee’s back, so that he could watch her at work through the glass sides of the hive.” I wonder if Hannibal Macarthur, like Robert Campbell, was subsequently in possession of a copy of My Bee Book?

Revd. Steele, St. Peter’s, Cook’s River Cotton’s April 1843 letter home tells of his visit to the Cook’s River apiary of Revd Steele “I send you herewith, that is by the same ship, a bottle of Australian honey, which is so very nice, to my taste at least. It was made at Cooks River, near Botany Bay, by the bees belonging to Mr Steele the Parson of the place. The bees are English bees, but came last from Van Diemen’s Land, whither they were taken, I believe, some time ago. They do exceptionally here. I met Mr MacClay (sic.) ... Bees were first brought for his daughter. ... I paid a visit to Mrs McArthur at Parramatta who has a capital apiary, and to Mr Blaxland.” Assuming Steele did not procure his bees from the bush, two possible sources were Alexander Macleay and Robert Campbell, both of whom obtained their bees from Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania). Campbell, I believe, is the leading candidate because of his close links with the Church of England which included the Cook’s River church of St Peter’s. “In 1837 Robert Campbell gave the land and a donation for the 37

p.167. I’ve found no evidence the steamer Shamrock ever visited New Zealand. From web site http://www.jenwilletts.com/Steamships.htm “The Shamrock was owned by the Hunter River Steam Navigation Company. She was rigged as a three masted schooner, with a raised quarter deck and had been built in Bristol. In 1843 she replaced the 'Seahorse' plying between Launceston, Melbourne and Sydney. In February 1846 she was the vessel of choice for Rev. Dr. Lang on his voyage to Port Phillip and Moreton Bay …” An excellent hand coloured lithograph the Shamrock c1841 may be viewed on web site http://nla.gov.au/nla.pic-an9579370 39 From web site http://members.ozemail.com.au/~captbaz/1874_S.htm I located a schooner Shamrock of 85 tons, built Nova Scotia in 1839 and registered in Wellington 1865, owned by WM Jewell. This is a candidate for Cotton’s expectations. 38

40

for more complete coverage, refer to William Charles Cotton, Grand Bee Master of New Zealand, 1842 to 1847. Peter Barrett, Springwood, 1997. 41 de Falbe, Jean (1988) My dear Miss Macarthur, The Recollections of Emmeline Maria Macarthur (1828-1911), Kangaroo Press 42 It was actually in 1842

building of St Peter’s Church, Cook’s River.” 43 “The family of Robert Campbell had been brought up not only as traditionally religious people, but as devout believers in their faith. … Their knowledge of the Church of England was profound and they helped it freely. … By 1846 the family had been responsible for much of the work at St Phillip’s in Sydney, St Peter’s at Cook’s River, St John’s at Canberra … and St John’s at Parramatta. …” 44 Cotton’s apiary visits and resulting promises finally bore results following Busby’s presence in Sydney in July 1843. As recounted in my 1997 book William Charles Cotton, Grand Bee Master of New Zealand, Cotton recorded in his journal for Thursday 3 August, under the page heading Bees Arrive “During the morning I had a letter from Mr Busby dated of this Day at sea, and bringing the joyful intelligence that he had his hives of Bees for me, one from D Steele’s, the other from Mrs Sparke.” The following day “Many thanks to them.” Cotton’s journal entry 45 for 3 August 1843 names the donors of the two hives James Busby sourced for him while in Sydney. In interpreting Cotton’s handwriting, one name clearly reads as “D Steele”, identified by Cotton as the Parson of St. Peter’s, Cook’s River. Rev. Dr. Thomas Steele’s hive was “a very heavy one, the combs had all broken down & the Bees were drowned in honey” 46. This also appears to have been a large straw hive. “My Sydney friends made the mistake of picking out for me some of their heaviest hives, whereas the lightest wd have been best. The storified Hives too, like that which Mr Busby brought down for himself are best suited for the voyage - in them the combs are more broken up into smaller portions, & have more support. But to return to this lot of mine. …” 47 It appears the “storified hive”, most likely a more advanced design utilising spaced top-bars, came neither from Thomas Steele or Mrs Sparke. Busby may have had contacts of his own. Some fifteen months previously, either in April or May 1842, Cotton had visited Revd Steele at Cook’s River. An unplanned delay in Sydney 48 supplemented by Campbell’s introductions gave Cotton the opportunity to visit beekeepers who might replace his lost bee hives. For whatever reason, Cotton’s well planned grand experiment to bring hives of bees packed in an elaborate icebox from England to New Zealand had failed before reaching Sydney. Who then was this Mrs Sparke ?

Frances and Alexander Spark, “Tempe”, Cook’s River The best I could make of Cotton’s script was “Mrs Sparke” who had supplied “a very large straw one” 49 … a great deal too large more than three times the size of those we have in England.” 50 Subsequent to publication of my Volume II, I located a book titled The Respectable Sydney Merchant, A. B. Spark of Tempe. 51 Tempe is a town upstream of Botany Bay on the shores of Cook’s River. Alexander Brodie Spark, a prominent Sydney banker and merchant, and his wife, Frances Maria Spark, were well known to Steele, the minister of the parish to which they actively belonged. From Spark’s diary 52 for 2 January 1848 “Listened with very great interest to the farewell sermon delivered by Dr Steele previous to his proceeding to England with Mrs Steele by the Agincourt. Many tears told the esteem in which they were generally held …” The “Mrs Sparke” of Cotton’s journal must refer to A. B. Spark’s wife. 43

Newman (1961) p.166 Newman (1961) p.186 45 Barrett, Peter (1997) William Charles Cotton, Grand Bee Master of New Zealand, 1842 to 1847 46 ibid., 10 August 1843 47 ibid. 48 Thurs 14 April “At sunrise off Sidney Heads. It had fallen a dead calm during the night.” Cotton was in Sydney until 19 May. 49 Cotton’s diary entry for 10 August 1843 50 ibid., 29 September 1843 51 Abbott, Graham & Little, Geoffrey (1976) The Respectable Sydney Merchant, A. B. Spark of Tempe, Sydney University Press. 52 ibid., p.184 44

Alexander and Frances Spark resided at their home “Tempe” sited beside Cook’s River. Spark’s diary entry for 5 March 1837 “Was called from my morning studies to see a swarm of Bees that had just emigrated from the parent Hive. I found them hanging from the branch of a Loquat tree, a large black cluster. A new hive was in readiness, and after due protection against their sting, the Gardener and Harry shook them from the branch into the hive, which was then placed in its proper position & a white cloth thrown over it.”53 Spark continued his interest in matters both agricultural and manufacture for he wrote 54 on 12 March 1850 “Presided at a Committee meeting of the Botanic Society, at which the important Report from the Sub Committee was passed, relative to receiving all articles of colonial growth or manufacture for transmission to the grand Exhibition in London 55 next year under the auspices of H.R.H. Prince Albert.” He was also an active exhibitor at horticultural shows, often winning prizes. On 13 February 1839 “the second show of the Floral and Horticultural Society. To this show I had sent in my gardener with fine specimens of Pomegranates, Olives and Flowers, and some prizes have been awarded to me.” Spark’s “estate on the Cook’s River, Tempe, boasted one of the best houses and most admired settings of the time. … The garden, landscaped by convict labour, boasted many imported shrubs and vines.” 56 12 January 1838 “Abundance of fruit this season at Tempe. Apricots, Mulberries, Figs, Peaches, nectarines and Plums adorn the table.” On 16 September 1848 “My spouse and I gardening nearly all day. The total number of fruit trees pruned by us was 154.” In October 1843, as a result of financial setbacks, Spark was declared insolvent. Fears of such an event entered his diary on 7 December 1842. “A bill … for £500 returned from London on me. Very miserable and full of horrible forebodings.” His financial wellbeing was never to return. He chased business opportunities, many of which did not pay. Some income was derived by selling fruit he and his wife picked in their orchard at Tempe. Honey sales too may have generated some income.

Alexander Brodie Spark at age 44, 1836

For 15 August 1843 “More rain, still remained at home, if such it may be called. Walked with my Maria in the garden, now teeming with the promise of spring, from which we are soon to be 53

Isaac Hopkins (1886) recommended that for a freshly captured swarm “a sheet thrown around it will usually prevent the bees absconding”. p.199 54 Abbott, Graham & Little, Geoffrey (1976) The Respectable Sydney Merchant, A. B. Spark of Tempe, Sydney University Press. p.194 55 held 1851 56 Abbott, Graham & Little, Geoffrey (1976) The Respectable Sydney Merchant, A. B. Spark of Tempe, Sydney University Press. p.1

driven.” Two days later “Still kept in the horror of suspence (sic.) respecting my fate.” On 20 August he knew “It was appointed that I should be driven from the sunshine of liberal affluence, into the obscurity of lean poverty, but thou hast brought me low so gradually as to prepare my mind in one degree of humiliation to meet another, without inflicting that awfully sudden wrench which might have unseated reason from her throne.” The gift of a valuable hive of bees to Cotton around three weeks previously, then a time of impending financial ruin, made this donation all the more significant. For gift it must have been: Cotton wrote in his 1848 A Manual for New Zealand Bee Keepers “Get a swarm from a friend early in the season … in order that your stock may be well established before the swarming season is over, by which time you ought to have several hives in your bee house. ... he must be a stingy bee master indeed who will not freely give out of this his abundance … In many parts of England no man would think of doing such a thing as paying money for a hive. He would hold it unlucky, and say that bought bees never come to good;”

“Tempe”, Cook’s River

Regarding Spark, from Freda MacDonnell’s Before Kings Cross (1967) “Both as a man and as one of the leaders of his time in commerce he set an example of moderate living; and when the tide turned against him, he faced his difficulties with courage and stability.” His financial decline eventually reversed around January 1846. “He might be gathering apricots and other fruit for the markets; he would never again be really wealthy, or lead a social life, but he had retained the respect of the city and he was beginning to build again.”

A Promise Fulfilled I couldn’t locate any mention of a visit by Cotton in Spark’s diary during April or May 1842. Unfortunately, Spark’s entries between May 6th and 17th are missing, this twelve-day gap concluding but two days before Cotton departed Sydney for Auckland. However, Cotton’s New Zealand journal entry for “Thursday August 10th 1843 … took boat to the Busby’s (Buzz Bee) found his hive alive and doing well whilst I was sadly off. In one of mine, a very heavy one, the combs had all broken down & the Bees were drowned in the honey. The other, a very large straw one from Mrs Sparke, had still a few bees in it alive, not above a cupful, but the combs had all fallen, and the navvies had made free with the honey. Did not think they had a chance of living, as they flew about in a tumultuous way - sorry for it.”

Frances Maria Spark

Mournfully, Cotton believed both his hives had failed. “Friday August 11th 1843. About 1 oclock Mr Burrows put me across to Mr Busby’s with a Maori whom I had hired to pick up the poor remains of my Bees, found they had all flown away, a poverty swarm, soon after I left them yesterday, sorry for it.” One month later Cotton still had hopes of bees arriving from his Sydney friends. “Saturday September 9th 1843. ... off to Keri keri after dinner, as I heard a ship had arrived from Sydney, and I hoped she might have brought me a hive or two - no Bees.” More disappointment ! Near the end of the month on “Friday September 29th 1843. ... over to Mr Busby’s. Took a comb out of their hive ... I am to have the first swarm. My Bees to my astonishment alive. The Bees, and their little combs which they had made, occupied about the space of a tea cup. There was honey in the cells, and brood. Had I turned them down at once, and fastened them to their stand they might have done well, but I yielded to my wish to see the Queen, so I tipped-tap tap on the inverted hive.” Cotton’s exuberance again came into play. With, I suspect, the same overactive eagerness that earned him two bee stings in John Campbell’s apiary. Bee hives which could have been left to prosper if undisturbed offered too great a temptation. He could have added “If I had but left them alone”. James Robinson wrote in his 1889 (2nd ed.) British Bee-Farming, its Profits and Pleasures “An apiary in which experiments are being constantly performed will never prove successful. The late Rev. W. C. Cotton at one time purchased fourteen good stocks the same year, and lost them all by experiments.” 57 Cotton, a man of many temperaments, had a different impact in 1864 on John Cumming, The Times Beemaster, who wrote in praise of Cotton’s view on the positive contribution drones make to a hive during the Queen’s egg laying season as “no mean authority” (p.101); Cumming wrote in admiration of “The Reverend Charles Cotton, while he lived the prince of bee-masters …” (p.91); and “Mr. Cotton, the most affectionate of bee-masters while he lived …” (p.71) Cotton diarized on 29 September 1843 “The Bees, about a pint - marched all up the sides of the hive in a few minutes, and I had the pleasure of showing Mrs Busby, and handling myself for the first time a Queen in N.Z. After some time I put her back, and great was the buzz of gratulation. (sic.) 57

Robinson, James (1889) p.132. Cotton was sympathetic with and committed to observation and experimentation in his search for knowledge of bees. At the end of Robert Sydserff’s 1792 Treatise on Bees, part of which Cotton reproduced in his 1842 My Bee Book “Hoping I have satisfied my readers, for which I have exerted the utmost of my slender abilities, and communicated every observation and experiment worth mentioning, I have only to request their candour and indulgence; and if this Treatise shall be instrumental, in any respect, to benefit and profit my fellow-creatures, I shall be amply rewarded for the labour and pains I have taken for that purpose.” (p.232)

Terrible bad weather came on soon after and this parcel of Bees soon dwindled away, or flew away as a poverty swarm. Their hive was a great deal too large more than three times the size of those we have in England. I should have been very glad had this hive done better as its ups & downs in life wd have been unprecedented in Bee annals. My Sydney friends made the mistake of picking out for me some of their heaviest hives, whereas the lightest wd have been best. The storified Hives too, like that which Mr Busby brought down for himself are best suited for the voyage - in them the combs are more broken up into smaller portions, & have more support. But to return to this lot of mine. The day I first saw them, they swarmed away, so that when I returned August the 11th the hive was empty. In the even Mr Busby’s man ... found them all clustering together on the ground, near the hive, the greater part of them having got into an old glass bottle. He put the hive over them. For several days following wet & cold they swarmed out, and went crawling about the walls, in a half torpid state. ... and at last got them to stop in the hive where they began to work - but as I have said did not ultimately come to anything. ...”

“Waspish” criticism Here is an entertaining diversion - the vitriolic reaction of Rev. T. Clark in his Prefaces and particularly the footnotes to the 1845 Sixth Edition of Thomas Nutt’s Humanity to Bees. Clark vilified both the person of William Cotton and My Bee Book. He also disparagingly inverted the accolade of this “elegant volume” by the anonymous reviewer in The Quarterly Review (Dec. 1842) into an italicized insult. (p.195) Clark disparagingly footnotes “one of the many specimens of the ridiculous to be met with in the elegant volume.” More offence is taken and ridicule piled upon Cotton for his legitimate generic use of the term “he” when referring to an instance of bees or any fauna of either sex. When Cotton describes his fortune in not being stung after swallowing a bee “I prepared myself for a run to the Doctor’s, had I felt its sting in my throat … but the Bee passed so rapidly down, that he had not time to sting; when he got to his journey’s end, no doubt not a little surprised at the path he had traveled, he resigned himself to his fate, like a good Bee, and did not avenge himself by stinging me.” Clark retorted “He Bees have no stings: and from the hes in the tale it is evident that he (Cotton) swallowed a drone Bee. I was expecting, observed a person in whose hearing this passage was lately read, the conclusion would have been, that he passed so rapidly on as soon to make his exit through Cotton’s postern, 58 and that ‘he then flew away like a good Bee’ ” (p.197) More bile is directed at part of Cotton’s work as “incomprehensible” and “a rigmarole enunciation”; scorn is again directed at the The Quarterly Review for “the elegant volume, audaciously extolled … Fie, Cotton ! Fie Quarterly !” (p.224) Another footnote all but accuses Cotton or “some friend” of “the getting up of the article in the Quarterly - a supposition neither impossible nor improbable.” (p.172) Of this same footnote British Bee Books, A Bibliography 1500-1976 observes “Nutt complains in the 6th ed. that Cotton had ‘silently and surreptitiously’ taken the sketch (of the apiary at Delabere Park … the seat of one of Nutt’s patrons” and reproduced it as his own in My Bee Book. In fact, the accusation was not made by Nutt but by Clark, as editor, who clearly states in the Preface “For the Notes now introduced, he (the editor) begs to state, that he alone is responsible: Mr. Nutt has had no hand in them.” Yet more castigation follows. Was there ever or since so much fury exhibited by one upon another bee book author ? And yet, one with a kinder heart resided within this book’s pages: following the original Preface, dated 1832, penned by Nutt, there is repeated his Preface to the Second Edition. Herein he glowingly acknowledges the contribution wherein “… whole pages of new matter have been introduced interspersedly by my most respected friend – the Rev. T. Clark of Gedney-Hill, who has revised, 58

A crude reference to Cotton’s backside

corrected, and re-arranged the whole; and who has not only bestowed much time and pains upon the improvement of my work, but in the kindest and most disinterested manner has, in superintending this and the former edition through the press, actually traveled upwards of eight hundred miles. The friendly performer of services so generous, so laborious, and so perseveringly attended to, without any stipulation for fee or reward, merits from me, and has from me, every expression of my gratitude, and, were it in my power, should have one expression more.” (pp.xviiixix) The Quarterly Review’s appraisal of Nutt’s work is not one sided, although when on the receiving end of criticism it can seem more negative than intended. A selection “To enter into all the advantages and disadvantages of these plans (supering/storifying, nadiring and collateral / side boxes) would be to write a volume; we must therefore content ourselves with Dr. Bevan’s general rule, which we think experience fully bears out, that old stocks should be supered and swarms be nadired. Side-boxes are the leading feature of Mr. Nutt’s plan, about which so much has been written and lectured but that there is nothing new in this … The object of Mr. Nutt’s system is to prevent swarming, which he seems to consider an unnatural process, and forced upon the bees by the narrowness and heat of the hive, caused by an overgrown population. To this we altogether demur … Moreover, with all his contrivances, Mr. Nutt, or at least his followers, cannot wholly prevent swarming … But great praise is due to him for the attention which he has called to the ventilation of the hive. … Mr. Nutt’s book is worth reading for this part of the subject alone:- but our experience, backed by innumerable other instances within our knowledge, is unfavourable to the use of his boxes; and even those beekeepers who continue them, as partially successful, have not yet got over the disappointment caused by his exaggerated statements of the produce.” (p.13) I suspect Clark’s indignation was due to his belief that he was more the author of Humanity to Bees that was Nutt. Cotton, however, was positive in his comments upon Nutt’s 1835 third edition., wherein he described Nutt’s improvement of ventilation upon collateral boxes as “the grand thing”. Did Cotton, during the latter part of his 1842-47 New Zealand residency, become aware of Clark’s heated sentiments of 1845? Or was that shock waiting for him on his return ? The anonymous reviewer in The Quarterly Review was aware of vitriolic reaction towards Cotton’s views. In a discussion on the relocation of hives to take advantage of near or distant bee pasturage areas: “a late writer, who has shown rather a waspish disposition in his attacks on Mr. Cotton’s system, seems to question not only the advantage, but the practicability of the transportation of hives altogether. But the fact is, that in the north of England and in Scotland, where there are large tracts of heather-land apart from any habitation, nothing is more common than for the bee-masters of the towns and villages to submit their hives during the honey season to the care of the shepherd of the district. …” The reviewer frequently referred to Cotton’s book, mostly on favourable terms. Some extracts: “One of the most dangerous services, as may well be imagined, is that of taking their honey, when this is attempted without suffocating or stupefying, or any of those other methods which leave the hive free. … The common barbarous plan is to suffocate the whole stock with sulphur, and then, as dead men tell no tales, and dead bees do not use theirs, it is very easy to cut out the comb at your leisure. But is any case Mr. Cotton’s plan is far preferable. Instead of suffocating, he stupefies them. … This plan of fumigation … we consider as the most valuable of the practical part of Mr. Cotton’s book. … The rest of his system, with which we own ourselves to have been a little puzzled, is too near an approximation to Nutt’s to require further explanation or trial. … ” (p.16, col.a) “… the present form of his book … is now sent forth in one of the most elegant volumes that ever graced a library table.” (p.16, col.b)

“… Mr. Cotton’s book, though not quite as successful as we could wish, is very far indeed from partaking of the worst defects of this class. Indeed he has so nearly reached the point at which he has aimed, that we feel continually annoyed that he just falls short of it.” “... taking the work as it comes to us in its present form, with its exquisite woodcuts, perfection of dress, prelude of mottoes, … list of bee books (which, though imperfect, particularly as to foreign works, is the first of the kind) - appendices - reprints - extracts &c ., we hardly know of a book of the kind that has pleased us more. ... professing no sort of arrangement, it is the perfection of a scrapbook for the gentleman or lady bee-keeper.” Clark’s “Advertisement” (Preface) to the 6th ed. is difficult to read with a straight face. It’s pretentiousness and lack of generosity bestows no credit on the scribe “Were the author, alias the proprietor of the following work, to attempt to write another preface (there being no fewer than three already, understood to be author’s Prefaces) the substance of it would probably be to express in glowing language his gratitude to his patrons particularly, and to the public generally, for the encouragement he has met with, and for having purchased every copy of all the preceding editions; and modestly to announce the superiority of the sixth to all former editions. But, to spare the ostensible author the disagreeable task of puffing, the editor in propria persona takes the opportunity here afforded him of informing the reader that the materials for the following work were originally put into his hands in an unconnected and well-nigh unintelligible state, - they were literally a ‘rudis indigestaque moles,’ which required considerable labour and persevering industry in order to their being gradually moulded into the form in which they now appear; - and that he has again been prevailed upon to bestow more than a little labour upon the revision, enlargement, and, he thinks, improvement of the work. …” Such an astounding diatribe upon the “ostensible author” is, at the very least, an embarrassment to all who have, and will in future, come across these ill-humoured comments

Thomas Birkby: gardener, beekeeper Spark’s some time gardener, also likely doubling as beekeeper during his service of three years to 1838, was identified in his diary for 3 March that year. “My gardener, Thomas Birkby, with his wife and family took his departure from Tempe, where they have lived for three years …” Birkby had previously sailed from London with his wife and children mid July 1834 and after an eventful voyage arrived in Sydney on 24 October 1834. In his letter 59 dated 31 May 1836 to his family in England, Birkby gave details of his voyage out, subsequent employment and observations of life in the colony. Amongst descriptions of convicts and their treatment, his opinions on aborigines and their situation, he gave details of native animal and bird life, prices for stock, wages, and in sympathy with his vocation, the varieties and availability of fruit and vegetables. He was not impressed by the large flies whose maggots quickly turned even cooked meat inedible. Birkby so noticed the predominance of yellow in the native flora he avidly requested as many flower seeds of certain kinds be sent as could be obtained. I was also pleased to find this passing observation “The native honey bee is a small insect no bigger than a black ant, but very productive in honey.” Soon after arrival he worked for the Surveyor General for nine weeks, then as Overseer for five weeks on the Surveyor General’s property on the “Catarack” 60 and Nepean Rivers. Then followed a longer term position as Overseer for Spark. “I came down to Sydney and engaged with my present master … to be Overseer at his farm at Tempe Cooks River, at which place I have been about 14 months and I believe he is one of the Gentlemen of the Colony. He … makes gardening his Hobby. Our farm consists of 250 acres most of it pretty good, but we have none of it under cultivation excepting (the)

59 60

Dixson Collection, State Library of New South Wales ie., Cataract River

new garden that I am making about ten acres, for working which I have thirteen convict labourers.”

Who supplied Campbell’s hive ? John Campbell’s letter to John Cumming advised “my father procured our original stock from Tasmania, in the common straw hive, a bit of pierced tin fastened over the entrance”. Who then supplied this hive? It could not have been Alexander Macleay, a co-member of the Legislative Council with the elder Campbell, whose hive was personally delivered by Thomas Braidwood Wilson in August 1832. It’s a mystery why swarms from Macleay’s daughter’s Elizabeth Bay hive were not supplied to Campbell. Swarms should have been available in Tasmania some reasonable time after January 1831 when Thomas Braidwood Wilson successfully introduced bees there. Robinson (1889) states regarding Wilson’s hive “It arrived in safety, and the bees swarmed several times the first year;” (p.140) There is a clue. Wilson documented the care of his hive during its October 1830 - January 1831 voyage from England to Hobart-town 61 in his circa 1834 correspondence with John Lawrence. In part “Shortly after we passed the torrid zone, I thought it advisable to confine the bees to their hive; I therefore placed a piece of perforated sheet-lead against the aperture;” 62 Note the use of perforated metal over the entrance to confine the bees. The use of a punctured metal (either lead, tin or zinc) entrance cover appears to have been a common technique. A prime candidate is Mr. Davidson, Superintendent of the public garden at the time of Wilson’s arrival in Hobart on 27 January 1831. Davidson subsequently acted on behalf of the Governor in the distribution of swarms. Wilson recounted the presentation of his hive to the Governor “His Excellency Lieutenant Governor Arthur was pleased to accept them, on the part of the Government; and promised, should they succeed, to distribute the swarm to any of the colonists, who might apply for them. The hive was placed in the public garden, under the special care of Mr. Davidson the superintendent (sic), and as his Excellency had commanded that the greatest attention should be bestowed on them, they soon began to thrive and increase. In the space of one year there were seventeen swarms. On my revisiting Van Dieman’s (sic) Land, in August, 1832, I carried the original hive I had brought from England to Sydney, and presented it to Alexander Maclean, (sic) Esq. colonial secretary.” Davidson, first superintendent of the Botanic Garden, given responsibility for the well-being of Wilson’s original hive of bees, proved more than capable in his duty “In 1832 tribute was paid to Davidson for his successful management of a hive of bees introduced by Dr T. B. Wilson R. N., … These bees … multiplied sufficiently in the Gardens for Governor Arthur to send a hive to Governor Bourke 63 in Sydney.” 64 Robert Campbell too was a most likely recipient of one of Davidson’s swarms. An equally plausible candidate is a Mr Clayton, whose apiary at O’Brien’s Bridge, Glenorchy, produced eighteen swarms 65 from one hive alone in February 1835. Robinson’s 1889 British Bee-farming (p.140) does not specifically name Clayton, however the reference is obvious “… in the True Colonist (a Hobart Town newspaper) of Feb. 14th, 1835, it is stated that a hive descended from Dr. Wilson’s, belonging to a gentleman in the neighbourhood of Hobart Town, had already swarmed eighteen times.” 61

Correspondence contained in: Moubray, Bonington. pseudo (Lawrence, John) (1834) A Practical Treatise on breeding, rearing, and fattening all kinds of domestic poultry, pheasants, pigeons, and rabbits; also the management of swine, milch cows, and bees; with instructions for the private brewery, on cider, … and british wine making. Sherwood, Gilbert, and Piper, London. 62 For a first person account of the travails of this hive, see The Immigrant Bees, 1788 to 1898, Volume II, Peter Barrett, Springwood, 1999. 63 Bourke, eighth Governor of New South Wales, 1831 to 1837 64 Hurburgh, Marcus (1986) The Royal Tasmanian Botanical Gardens, 1818-1986, a History in Stone, Sail & Superintendents, Sandy Bay, 1986. p.13 65 True Colonist, 14 February 1835

The Sydney Morning Herald 66 for 25 May 1837 reported “A gentleman, named Clayton, has just imported from Hobart Town, about fifty or sixty Hives of healthy Bees, which are well worth inspection. Some of the Hives contain, at least, five thousand of these little industrious tenants. The importer has already established the rearing of bees in Van Diemen’s Land and wishes to introduce them here, without regard to profiting by the speculation. The Bees may be seen as per advertisement.” Had merchant Campbell acquired one of these hives, located but a short walk from his own wharf on the same Sydney Cove ? Alexander Berry may also have obtained his bees from Clayton’s stock for it was in 1837 that Berry had “got some”. 67

The Sydney Morning Herald of 25 May 1837

A Spark – Berry Link Given Alexander Berry’s extensive business, political and social contacts, he could have obtained his hives of bees from many prominent apiarian sources, such as Alexander Macleay or John Campbell. Another possibility is that Berry acquired his bees from Alexander Spark some little time prior to October 1837. 68 As previously evidenced, the latter’s diary depicts active beekeeping at his Tempe apiary in March 1837 “Was called from my morning studies to see a swarm of Bees that had just emigrated from the parent Hive …” Spark maintained an ongoing commercial relationship with Berry and social contact with both Berry and his wife at their home at Crows Nest, Sydney eg., on Saturday 4 February 1837, Spark “Crossed over with Mr McLaren in his boat to his residence on the North Shore …” The next day “… In the forenoon we crossed the bay in front of Mr McLaren’s house, and climbing up the opposite rock, took a straight direction … to Mr Miller’s. There we found him and Mr Berry, and remained for some time enjoying the panoramic view from his house. … Mr Berry had brought his gig, and he and I proceeded onward to the Crow’s Nest, the others walking. Found Mrs Berry as usual all kindness. Lunched on the fine fruit she set before us and afterwards walked in the Garden. Many of the fruit trees were burned black from the great fire which had lately raged in that district, apples and peaches hanging half roasted on the trees. ...” After hunting for links between Spark and Berry, all became clear when I found John Manning Ward’s book titled James Macarthur, 69 Colonial Conservative 1798 – 1867. Although this book is a political study covering seventy years of the colonial period, it clearly shows the political, family and social links between many of the beekeepers I‘ve concentrated on, and hence opportunities for beekeeping relationships: • c1842, Hannibal Macarthur and Robert Campbell were political allies (p.121) 66

p.2e Refer the chapter “Alexander and David Berry, 1837” on page 25. 68 See the story on Frances and Alexander Spark on page 16 69 Campbell, Keith (2002) “In 1821, John MacArthur wrote to his brother James from London, that he understood that he had acquired English bees, and wanted to know how they were doing. The MacArthurs were first to do with livestock in Australia: perhaps this was another.” 67

• • • • •

James Bowman (I believe the brother of William Bowman of Richmond) was James Macarthur’s brother-in-law (p.123) Thomas Icely, then of Bathurst, was a friend of James (p.126) Alexander Macleay, another James Macarthur family friend (p.126) James Macarthur, it appears, may have had English bees in 1821. Refer footnote 69 on page. 24 (This predates Wallace’s 1822 introduction !) Hannibal Macarthur was cousin to James Macarthur (p.126)

Alexander and David Berry, 1837 Another parallel – the Sparks, like Berry, used straw skeps: In August 1843, Mrs Spark provided a populated skep “a very large straw one” 70 to James Busby for William Cotton during Busby’s visit to Sydney from the Bay of Islands. In late 1837 Berry requested “sheaves of the threshed rye to make bee hives as I have got some” from his brother John 71 at Coolangatta, their Shoalhaven River property. 72 Keith Campbell, a New South Wales South Coast historian, observed in his 2002 73 ABC radio “Ockham’s Razor” interview “Berry was experimenting in the construction of bee hives from wheat sheaves at least as early as 1837.” More than just “experimenting” Berry was exercising his skill in the basic construction method for making straw beehives known as skeps. Robinson (1889) wrote “… skeps are not difficult to make, and are very simple in their construction. … The annexed illustration will, at a glance, explain how to make them; only two articles are necessary, straw, and either a few long bramble stems, or, what is far better, a few long canes, which may easily be procured … The straw should be wheat straw, and as long as possible. We have always found hand-threshed straw superior for this purpose to machine-threshed, because the latter is bruised and broken, so as frequently to be worthless. The cane should be split up carefully into thin strips. Many makers use a cow’s horn to work the straw through in plaiting the hive, but a circular bit of tin soldered so as to keep the straw of an even thickness in the plaits is more convenient and useful; the tin should be a little wider at one end than the other. At first great care must be taken in preparing the first round or plait to make it very firm and strong, because on this depends in a great degree the quality of the hive, and all the weight rests upon this. If this is performed satisfactorily the greatest difficulty is overcome, and the remainder is comparatively easy work. Much may be learned by first taking in pieces an old hive, and observing the fastenings of the cane as well as the mode of its working. The hive entrance is cut out after the hive is completed.” (pp.4344)

70

Cotton’s diary entry for 10 August 1843 “… after years of persistent invitation Berry in 1836 brought from Scotland his three brothers John, William and David and two of his three sisters, Janet and Nancy, all of whom settled at Coolangatta …” (Bayley, 1965, p.31) 72 For more on Alexander and David Berry, see also the chapters “Large Scale Beekeeping, 1849” on page and “A Settler at Illawarra, c1861” on page 73 Broadcast 29 Dec. 2002 71

Skep Making, from British Bee Farming, Robinson (1889) Meg Swords (1978) in Alexander Berry and Elizabeth Wollstonecraft provides some fascinating background to Alexander’s seemingly straightforward request for this raw material to make bee hives. As well, reference to meade at Coolangatta provides additional evidence of the presence of bee hives and productive use of by-products of the honey harvest: “Directions of all kinds went to his brothers and sisters, who were certainly not youngsters. During a period of severe floods he wrote, “For God’s sake, don’t sit around in your wet clothes.” … He gave instructions, with a diagram, as to how to purify water for drinking and suggested cures for their ills. His criticism and advice were hard to counter, for at times his knowledge seemed all-embracing. He obviously did not worry his sisters, who were very fond of him and loved him to visit Coolangatta, where he was pressed to drink their home-made mead and wine and where, as he said, he was sadly over-fed.” (p.25) “David took over ‘management’ of the Shoalhaven estate, but had to suffer a constant stream of directions from Alexander, who found fault with him, saying he was too soft, indecisive and easily taken in. He wrote scornfully of William’s laziness and once demanded that William bestir himself from his quartercentury sleep and go out and measure Hume’s farm, which had been added to the property. … Alexander never seemed to praise anything his family did, yet each one of them answered his letters respectfully, even affectionately. … A few brief quotations from letters to his brothers may give some idea of Alexander’s dominance over his family: “The butter you sent was rancid. Not enough milk was beat out. … No reputable butcher would buy the meat you sent up. … The horses from Coolangatta were the worst broken-in to reach the market. … Shoalhaven maize was too full of weevils to send to New Zealand. … The wheat is infested with rust, because the slovenly tenants’ ploughing is too shallow. Even if they are poor agriculturalists they should be Christians and know the parable of the sower. … You are spending too much of the rents on improvements. I am in debt to the Bank.” (p.24) Keith Campbell (2000) has located a similarly fascinating stream of Alexander Berry’s directives targeted at bees, beekeeping and honey on the Shoalhaven estate: “For a few years at the beginning of the 1850s, Berry put much time and effort into the export of honey and its use in other ways. He sent books on beekeeping to his brother and farm manager, David, to improve beekeeping practices. He instructed David to put all honey to be sent to California or New Zealand in good kegs. He advocated the use of bottles in place of jars, to overcome the problem of leakage and fermentation. He adopted the principle of only exporting the best produce. He told David to experiment with honey in the manufacture of beer and wine, but he always seemed to find that the wine had a burnt smell, and tasted too sweet, like a liqueur.” 74 Also discovered by Keith Campbell “A small amount of honey was sold to a doctor in Sydney for medicinal purposes for 6d a pound, but not enough to make an impression on the supply. For there were 74

Keith’s research continues so he has decided to reserve the original sources at this time.

logistic and marketing problems. His warehouse in Sydney became overstocked with honey, and he couldn’t make sales locally. Consignments had to be returned to the Shoalhaven. Late in 1851, his bees failed to swarm properly, and he lost many as they drowned trying to fly across the Shoalhaven River. 75 And there were other worries, too. David was most concerned that bees were impoverishing the pasturage by taking honey from the clover and flowers of the field, that the European bees were bleeding both introduced and indigenous plants to death.” What a fascinating wealth of detail Campbell has presented on the beekeeping Berry brothers, including the export of honey to California and New Zealand. Again from Campbell “… in 1850, Berry supplied 2 tons of the 12 tons exported from New South Wales. The returns were financially rewarding. Townsend (1849) said that settlers could produce a ton of honey from 100 hives. One south coast producer, perhaps Berry, exported 7 hundredweight of honey for 21-pounds. After all expenses, received over 16-pounds, a terrific return.” From Shoalhaven, History of the Shire of Shoalhaven 76 “Products were shipped from Ulladulla, being taken from the beach by small boats to sailing ships and steamers waiting in the bay harbour. In 1858 people organized an appeal for the building of a jetty, exports being wheat, maize, potatoes, onions, kegs of butter, bacon, cheese, fowls, honey and pigs.” (p.58) It’s possible that honey from Coolangatta was consigned through Ulladulla further south, though it’s more likely Berry’s cargoes were shipped from Greenwell Point on the Crookhaven River. “From early times, Greenwell Point became a shipping point for Shoalhaven produce because the canal 77 and Shoalhaven were too shallow to permit navigation by larger seagoing ships.” (Bayley, p.58) “… the S.S. Coolangatta plied many years to Broughton Creek (now named Berry) … taking freight to Greenwell Point to deeper draught steamers unable to reach” 78 that far up the Shoalhaven. Again from Alexander Berry and Elizabeth Wollstonecraft “His correspondence with Mr Busby extended over the years from 1835 to 1870. This friendship began when he stood by Busby, whose completed project (1827-35) of bringing water to Sydney from the high swampy land near Botany Bay had been so

75

I could find no official reference to great floods on the Shoalhaven prior to 1860, however Bayley (1965) provides “As settlement grew along the Shoalhaven the farmers to the end of the fifties saw a number of rises in the river and letters written by Alexander Berry mention crop losses due to heavy rains and flooded fields. A flood was recorded on April 26, 1842. There was a small flood in 1852 but little damage. However at Numba and Terrara in the opening sixties the February flood, forerunner of things to come, swept much of the pioneers’ work away. Houses on the river banks were carried away whilst the potato and wheat crop became a total loss and livestock, cattle, poultry and pigs were swept away and drowned. … In the opening days of 1860 … river navigation was partly destroyed. All bridges on the road from Shoalhaven to Ulladulla were washed away.” (p.87) “… Another flood struck in May when Terrara residents took refuge in Nowra. … August brought the third flood in six months … Exasperation reigned when the fourth flood for the year washed away the wheat crop. … Again in June 1864 great floods swept down … although the river height was five feet lower than in the highest 1860 flood. … April and June the following year saw floods again when Pyree, Numba and Brundee reported more water than the flood of 1860.” (p.88) Bayley (1965) also mentions a “big flood” in 1862 which caused closure of the Commercial Bank of Sydney branch at Terrara which reopened in 1859, (p.66) and yet more floods in 1867 (p.88). “Again in March 1870 floods swept down the river … The flood of April 1870 proved the greatest of all …” (p.88). Bayley (1965) provided a report from that time “The spot where once stood the post office, the telegraph office, the steam company’s store and wharf, where all was life, business and activity, is now one vast and vacant blank, and forms part of the Shoalhaven River. The streets are turned into innumerable gullies, sand banks and creeks, fences are washed away, and the formation of the town completely destroyed.” 76 Bayley, William A. (1965) Shoalhaven, History of the Shire of Shoalhaven (1965 77 The canal was man made, it linked the Shoalhaven and Crookhaven rivers 78 Bayley (1965) p.59

cruelly criticised. 79 He had also aided Busby in his early work in Vine Culture, editing his book 80 on the subject.” (p.33) This close and lengthy relationship between Berry and Busby opens the possibility that the former was a possible donor of the straw hive that Busby subsequently supplied to William Cotton in July 1843. 81

Illawarra region, c 1850 The 1851 observations of P.V.M. Filleul, using the pseudonym “A Country Curate” 82 in his book The Cottage Bee Keeper, provides comment on the Illawarra region, most likely describing the apiary of David Berry at Coolangatta, Shoalhaven River, c1849 “… in America or Australia, it is almost incredible of how large an apiary one hive may become the parent in a very few years; in England, a similar hive may stand year after year, without change, apparently strong, yet unproductive in either swarms or honey. … In a late work 83 on New South Wales, I read the following astonishing account of the produce of a single stock of bees:- “In the district Illawarra, near Sydney, one hive has been known to multiply itself to 300 (!!) in the course of three years ! ” (p.5) Keith Campbell (2000) reported “J.P. Townsend, an observant traveler, who wrote in 1849 ‘The English bee has been introduced into Illawarra within the last few years, and with much success’ He believed their increase was due to the soft winters.”

79

Swords made an error here, and confused the doings of father and son(s). It was not James Busby (1801-71, second son of John Busby), but his father, John Busby (1765 – 1857), a civil engineer, who, subsequently assisted by his sixth child, William Busby (1813-87), in 1837 completed a tunnel 12,000 feet long and five feet high, known as “Busby’s Bore”, which supplied water sourced from the swamp at Waterloo to a standpipe in Hyde Park. This bore provided for Sydney’s needs up to 1849. The Australian Encyclopaedia (Volume II), pp.192-194 80 “Treatise on the Culture of the Vine by James Busby (1825), published by Robert Howe, Government Printer. See The Australian Encyclopaedia (Volume II), Angus & Robertson (1958), p.192a,b. “In 1830 Busby had published a second book on vine-culture. A Manual of Plain Directions for Planting and Cultivating Vineyards” 81 Refer William Charles Cotton, Grand Bee Master of New Zealand, 1842 to 1847, p.46 82 “A Country Curate” pseudonym of P.V.M. Filleul. First published as The English bee-keeper …London, Rivington, 1851; re-published same year as The Cottage Bee Keeper, New York, C.M. Saxton 83 Townsend, Joseph Phipps (1849) Rambles & Observations in New South Wales; most likely the original source of the 1851 Cottage Bee Keeper reference to 300 swarms.