Violent Lexicon In Trinidad English Creole

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar

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An examination of the embedding of violence in the lexicon and semantics of Trinidadian English Creole (TEC) speech of students at the University of the West Indies (UWI), St. Augustine, Trinidad.

A THESIS IN FULFILLMENT OF REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF B.A. IN LANGUAGE, LITERATURE WITH EDUCATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF THE WEST INDIES Khalid Baig – 02745217 Hassan Basarally- 806007430 Sherrine Francis- 806000680 Sema Ramoutar- 806002632

Department of Liberal Arts Faculty of Humanities and Education St. Augustine Campus.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

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INTRODUCTION Acknowledgements..................................................................................................3 Abstract....................................................................................................................4 Topic........................................................................................................................5 Background of the Study.........................................................................................5 Purpose of the Study................................................................................................5 Who Will Benefit From This Study?.......................................................................6 Problem Statement...................................................................................................6 Theoretical Framework............................................................................................6 Research Questions..................................................................................................7 Literature Review.....................................................................................................7 Methodology............................................................................................................8 Methodology............................................................................................................8 Data Collection .......................................................................................................9 Data Collection........................................................................................................9 Data Collection......................................................................................................10 Data Analysis ........................................................................................................10 Data Analysis.........................................................................................................11 Other Considerations.............................................................................................11 LITERATURE REVIEW Trinidad English Creole (TEC).....................................................................................12 Language and Ideology.................................................................................................15

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Violence and Language.................................................................................................19 Violent Lexicon and Classroom Interaction.................................................................22 METHODOLOGY............................................................................................................26 FINDINGS.........................................................................................................................36 ANALYSIS........................................................................................................................49 CONCLUSION.................................................................................................................55 RECOMMENDATIONS...................................................................................................56 WORKS CITED................................................................................................................58 APPENDICIES .................................................................................................................60 APPENDIX A- QUESTIONNAIRE APPENDIX B- TRANSCRIPTIONS

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Acknowledgements The researchers: Khalid Baig, Hassan Basarally, Sherrine Francis and Sema Ramoutar wish to acknowledge the assistance of the following individuals during the course of this project. Firstly, our Lord, The Most High, who created language as a dynamic system. Dr. Paula Morgan, Prof. Valerie Youssef, Dr. Benjamin Braithwaite and Mrs. Nicha SelvonRamkissoon for the advice, patience and guidance generously given over the past academic year. Ms. Rhoda Bharath for the encouragement, enthusiasm and belief in the potential of this paper. To our research subjects who were willing and eager to be part of this endeavour. To Lise Winer who laid the foundation for us to build. And to all those, whose names are absent from these pages, we are sincerely grateful.

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Abstract The words used by an individual show much about oneself. Jargon may show knowledge about a particular field and figurative language may show sensitivity of literature. What does the use of violent lexicon say about its user? Many words in Trinidad English Creole (TEC) of students of the University of the West Indies campus (U.W.I), St. Augustine, Trinidad fall into this category. There is little study in TEC lexicon, an examination of the embedding of violence in the lexicon and semantics of TEC speech of the students is a small attempt to address this. The study will add to the corpus of information on TEC and a lexicographic study will aid in the codification of TEC for future use. A mixed method approach was used to obtain qualitative and quantitative information. Qualitative data was obtained using interviews, observation and focus groups. Quantitative data was gathered using questionnaires and voice recordings. It was found that TEC has many violent lexical items. The items were listed transcribed and the meanings were found. These are used primarily by the 18 to 30 age group, but older age groups also utilise violent lexicon. Males use violent lexicon more than females and its usage is extended to several situations and context. As language undergoes semantic change, the majority of the violent lexicon was different from the most recent dictionary of TEC. Hence, the changes were noted and sent to the relevant linguists to add to the corpus of TEC.

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Introduction TOPIC An examination of the embedding of violence in the lexicon and semantics of Trinidadian English Creole (TEC)1 speech of students at the University of the West Indies (UWI), St. Augustine, Trinidad.

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY The researchers recognize the use of certain words in the speech of colleagues, friends and the general public that is known to be associated with violence. Moreover, the media [local radio stations in particular] has been promoting music that depicts violent acts. There has been a lack of prior research in the area in Trinidad. Hence, the researchers see the need to add to the corpus of information that exists on influences on students’ speech from a Trinidadian perspective.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY The purpose of this study is: To examine the way in which violence is embedded in Trinidadian English Creole (TEC) speech. To examine the context in which the violent lexicon is used.

1

Hereafter referred to as TEC

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WHO WILL BENEFIT FROM THIS STUDY? It will be of benefit to the national community, in particular, teachers and students who would gain insight into the culture of violence in Trinidad and Tobago. The lexicographic information will also add to the corpus of information on TEC.

PROBLEM STATEMENT The major issue that the research addresses is the presence of violent lexicon in Trinidadian English Creole speech of UWI students. Based on observation in formal and informal settings, certain lexicon that can be described as violent in nature is used. The research also targets the semantics (the study of meaning in communication) of violence in the speech of Trinidadian speakers on the campus of the University of the West Indies. The violent lexical items have been noted in several contexts, both educational and social. This leads the researchers to hypothesise that the violent lexicon is embedded in multiple contexts of TEC. The issues associated with this study are both educational and theoretical. The study would provide tertiary educators insight into the language of the majority of the student population. Through an understanding of the violent lexicon, lecturers would be aware of the connotations and contextual base of lexicon used.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK This study falls under the branch of Theoretical, Descriptive and Educational Linguistics. An eclectic approach is used as the study is a lexicographic one in an educational setting.

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The reason for this approach is that the subject of the research is UWI students at the St Augustine campus. The scope of Educational Linguistics encompasses the formal education system. As the context of the lexicon is investigated, this assists in the language awareness of lecturers, who in many cases are non-TEC speakers. The use of Theoretical Linguistics allows for the description of lexicon and semantic structures in Trinidadian English Creole (TEC) speech. Descriptive linguistics would explain the contexts in which the lexicon occurs.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS 1. Is violence encoded in the lexicon and semantics of Trinidadian English Creole (TEC)? 2. (a) In which contexts is violent lexicon used in TEC? (b) Is the violent lexicon used by any particular group of TEC speakers? (c) To what extent is violent lexicon a hindrance to communication with non-TEC speakers?

LITERATURE REVIEW The types of literature that will be used in this research are: 1. Monographs 2. Journal articles 3. Empirical data 4. Computerized databases 5. Newspaper articles The following categories will be researched:

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1. TEC, with specific focus on lexicon and semantics. 2. Violence in language. 3. Theories of language and ideology, e.g. Whorf, Sapir, Lakoff 4. Creole as a hindrance to classroom communication.

METHODOLOGY For this study a Mixed Method Approach will be used comprising both Quantitative and Qualitative methods of researching. Qualitative research methods will be used as: The research is naturalistic Research allows for inductive analysis Research allows for personal contact and insight. Quantitative method will be used as Quantitative research is based on the collection of numerical data that can be statistically analyzed.

METHODOLOGY The researchers will adopt Phenomenology as one of the five traditions in Qualitative research. To an extent, the research is Grounded Theory due to the limited amount of work on the topic, the main one being Morgan and Youssef 2006. This methodology is sufficient as it allows for other data collection tools, such as questionnaires, for a mixed method approach of data analysis.

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DATA COLLECTION Data will be collected from Trinidadian students at the University of the West Indies. Data will be collected on campus in areas that are frequented by University students such as, Equinox, Rituals and S.A.C. The aim would be for forty (40) students to complete questionnaires and recordings would consist of three (3) consecutive hours, at weekly intervals on different days. There would also be two (2) focus groups, one comprising of males, the other of females. Each group would comprise of three (3) individuals. Furthermore, data will be collected on a weekly basis at different times during the day. The aforementioned places were chosen to conduct research as the areas identified are well known recreational spots frequented by large numbers of students on a daily basis. The specific times were chosen in order to ensure a more representative sample.

DATA COLLECTION The data collection tools that will be used are interviews, questionnaires and observation. Data Collection Tool Interviews

Advantage Provides detailed

Disadvantage Time consuming.

Questionnaires

information. Large sample can be

Standardized, therefore not

Observation Focus group

obtained. Naturalistic. Efficient. Group

allowing elaboration. Observer’s Paradox Participants may feel

conversation provides

uncomfortable in sharing

additional information.

individual views.

DATA COLLECTION

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To ensure validity and reliability of the data collected the researchers will use recordings; by using recordings the speech of the subjects/interviewees can be reproduced and transcribed for clarification. Also, by collecting data at different times for a prolonged period, a more representative sample is achieved. The ethical consideration that must be taken into account is the recording of people’s conversations without their prior knowledge; however, as the places where data is to be collected are public and only lexical items are being sought personal privacy will not be a major concern. In addition, any recordings will be used by the group and research supervisors exclusively.

DATA ANALYSIS The tools that will be used for data analysis will be recording devices, focus groups, interviews and questionnaires. The use of the recording devices will be used for transcriptions and coding. The interviews and focus groups would also be used for transcriptions and coding. From the interviews and focus groups, the context of the lexical items would be determined. The questionnaire will be represented in the form of bar graphs. The lexical items would be listed. The word classes and meanings would be determined. Contextual data will also be provided from the open-ended questions of the questionnaires.

DATA ANALYSIS

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The use of a recorder allows the researcher to reproduce the actual speech of the interview so as to extract information related to the study. The use of interviews allows the researchers to actively engage the interviewee and ask follow-up questions if necessary, as to the lexical items that they use. From the information collected the following method of analysis would be applied: 1. Lexical item 2. Word class 3. Usage in TEC 4. Context 5. User and addressee

OTHER CONSIDERATIONS Terms to be defined will be: violence, lexicon, semantics and Trinidadian English Creole. Limitations of the study: subjectivity of the researchers, observer’s paradox, length of time taken to conduct an expanded lexicographic study, and an unequal balance between male and female students. Delimitations of the study includes: limiting the study to the St. Augustine campus of the University of the West Indies and limiting the research to only include Trinidadian students and the users of Trinidadian English Creole. Other delimitations include the particular days and times that were chosen and that the sample would only comprise of TEC speakers. In addition, collection of lexicon was confined to a specific time period to allow data analysis. Literature Review

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Trinidad English Creole (TEC) Trinidadian English Creole (TEC) is a variety of Creole English which is spoken by the majority of speakers in Trinidad and possesses many features which distinguish it from the Tobagonian version. TEC combines the syntax of African origin with a primarily English-derived vocabulary. In addition, many expressions reflect the presence of a French Creole commonly referred to as Patois which is a substratum that was used as the primary language until the end of the nineteenth century. Hindi, Bhojpuri and Spanish influences are also present in the language up to this day. In Trinidad, which continues to exist as a multilingual and multicultural society, the English-lexifier Creole known as Trinidad English Creole (TEC) is currently the mother tongue of a population that comprises people of African, Indian, Chinese, Portuguese, French, Spanish, SyrianLebanese and Amerindian ancestries, just to name a few. This is why Trinidad English lexifier Creole co-exists not only with a French-lexifier Creole, but also Bhojpuri and Chinese, with each still being used by a minority of speakers. English, stands as the official and ex-superstratal language of the island. As Gamble (28) said: “There are men from all quarters of the globe, and with little exaggeration, it may be said that in Trinidad, all the languages of the earth are spoken.” Though this may be an exaggeration, the fact remains that compared to population size there is a large amount of the world’s languages being spoken in Trinidad. In TEC there exists a lack of morphological complexity which links directly to a lack of grammatical surface complexity. The majority of inflectional morphology, which in many languages allows for plural and tense marking, for example, is minimal. For

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example the TEC equivalent of the English sentence “Who gave you that?” would be Who give you dat? This demonstrates the lack of a tense marking when indicating the past tense. Semantic transparency is also abundant where TEC speakers will make use of compounds where the meanings are signalled quite explicitly by the morphemes used. For example, the equivalent of threshold in TEC may be doe-mout; for tears, eye-water and for nostril, nose-hole, just to demonstrate a few examples of how the semantic properties of words are linked. These properties therefore demonstrate that TEC is not as linguistically complex as other languages in certain domains, such as its morphology, and it is due to this minimalist structure that many would label TEC as a broken variety of other ‘complete’ languages, even by some of those who speak it on an everyday basis. Creole has had long lasting effects on society however, and despite being classified as a language of lowprestige by many, its growing acceptance is beginning to overturn such views. It’s constant and consistent use is proving more and more that TEC is not simply a variety, but rather a system of language which results from particular social circumstances that necessitate communication between culturally and linguistically diverse speakers. Lepage and Tabouret-Keller draw the following conclusion on the evolution of speech behaviour and self-identity within the Caribbean complex: Individuals create their system of verbal behaviour to resemble that of the groups with which they wish to identify, subject to the constraints of their ability to identify the groups, the strength and clarity of their motivation, the adequacy of their opportunities for learning and their ability to learn. (64) In linguistics, semantics is the study of meaning. Semanticists, those involved in the study of semantics, differ on what constitutes meaning in an expression. For example, in the sentence, "He is a badjohn", the word badjohn may refer to the a person named

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John who is being scolded, which is its literal meaning or denotation, but it may also refer to many other figurative associations, such as being someone with a violent nature which may be its connotation. Semanticity in TEC oftentimes rely upon the context in which many of its words and expressions are used and so, many of the same expressions can carry different connotations dependent on where, how and by whom those words and expressions are being used. Understanding Cultures Through Their Key Words, by Anna Wierzbicka, proposes the possibility of gaining insights into a culture through the examination of “key words” which are particularly important and revealing in a given culture. Analyzing locally significant or unique words whose meanings have either changed or remained the same over time, Lise Winer lists ten as being significant and applicable in understanding over two centuries of Trinidadian culture. These words are: bacchanal, badjohn, callaloo, calypsonian, Creole, mapepire, roti, saltfish, Spanish and whe-whe. Of the words she examines, the meanings and contextual usage of the words bacchanal and badjohn are of particular interest in relation to violence as it exists in the lexicon and semantics of TEC and shows the numerous connotations a single word in TEC can possess. The Dictionary of the English/Creole of Trinidad and Tobago (Winer) gives three possible definitions of the word bacchanal: A) A wild party or fete; enjoyable and vigorous dancing, drinking, etc. Usually admiring or positive. B) An out-of-control event; noisy argumentative behavior. Usually negative. C) Confusion; scandal; uproar over immoral behavior. (Winer, 146)

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These different meanings highlight the fact that dependent upon the context in which the word is used it can carry either negative or positive connotations. The word badjohn also lacks a set definition, meaning a badjohn is a kind of ruffian; a man willing to use violence and a man who likes being known as a dangerous person. The term originates from an individual who possessed the same nickname, “Bad John” Archer, who was a notorious criminal during the early years of the twentieth century in Trinidad (Winer 147). As time progressed, however, conflicting views of the term began to arise. He was attractive but dangerous, powerful but amoral, strong but ignorant, brave and courageous in battle but too quick to use violence. He could be an object of romantic/sexual interest to women, and an object of admiration to some young men, in part precisely because of the danger and power he displayed (Winer 148). After the 1970s and 1980s however, and views of what a badjohn is became even more ambiguous. There are even some who romanticized badjohns as is seen in Earl Lovelace’s portrayal of the character Fisheye in The Dragon Can’t Dance, who finds him assuming the role of protector for a steel band. Language and Ideology The research undertaken in this project focuses on language use. Hence, a definition of language and its features is relevant to the topic explored by the researchers. Language can be broadly defined as “an abstract cognitive system, which uniquely allows humans to produce and comprehend meaningful utterances.” (Tserdanelis 525). Linguists who promote a structuralist view of language see language activity as being wholly physical and explicable in terms of cause and effect. Hence, the facts of language are

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assumed to be physical manifestations of speech and writing and are treated as though they are facts of a natural science. (Bell 45) Language is used as a form of communication and is characteristic of a number of design features. These as explored by Charles Hockett include semanticity, cultural transmission, arbitrariness, displacement and productivity. In terms of semanticity, Hockett points out that the signals used in any communication system contains meaning. Cultural transmission, on the other hand draws one’s attention to the idea that there is a need for some aspect of a communication system to be learned through communicative interaction with other users of the system. With regards to arbitrariness, this refers to “the property of having signals for which the form of the signal is not logically related to its meaning.” For example, the word ‘cat’ “does not sound like a cat or represent a cat in any logical way” (Tserdanelis 25). Displacement, another feature of language, allows one to communicate about things that are absent in space or time while productivity allows for the production and comprehension of any number of messages. These messages may not have been expressed before and as such may propose novel ideas. Language has a cognitive function as it allows for the expression of ideas, concepts and thoughts. There is also an evaluative function as individuals may express certain attitudes and values (Bell 83). In light of this, language seems to have a major influence on an individual’s life and by extension the society. For instance Lakoff and Johnson assert that: Metaphor is for most people a device of the poetic imagination…Moreover, metaphor is typically viewed as characteristic of language alone, a matter of words rather than thought or action. For this reason, most people think they can get along perfectly well without metaphor. We have found, on the contrary, that metaphor is persuasive in everyday life, not just in language but in thought and action.”(Lakoff 3).

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For example, one can describe an argument in terms of containing language that can be associated with violence. Lakoff and Johnson point out that an argument can be seen as war. Some of the statements as outlined by Lakoff and Johnson reflect this notion, include utterances such as “your claims are indefensible,” “he attacked every weak point in my argument,” “I demolished his argument” and “I’ve never won an argument with him,” just to mention a few.(Lakoff 4) In each of these statements, the use of the words “indefensible,” “demolished” and “won” and the phrase “every weak point” suggest a violent and warlike atmosphere. In this regard Lakoff and Johnson affirm that: The normal way for us to talk about attacking a position is to use the words “attack a position.” Our conventional ways of talking about arguments presuppose a metaphor we are hardly ever conscious of. The metaphor is not merely in the words we use- it is in our very concept of an argument. The language of argument is not poetic, fanciful or rhetorical; it is literal. We talk about arguments that way because we conceive of them that way and we act according to the way we conceive of things.” (Lakoff 5) In light of this observation by Lakoff and Johnson, it seems that embedded within language use is a dominant ideology. Hence, it is a common belief that “language determines how its speakers perceive and experience the world.” (Meyerhoff 61). This idea is related to what linguists refer to as linguistic relativism which is “the hypothesis that the way we talk about others, and the words we use, does more that simply denote entities or events in the world.” (Meyerhoff 60). The term implies that “the way we perceive the world plays a part in how language is structured. (Meyerhoff 60). Therefore, in the case of the Hopi speakers, Whorf asserts that “because the Native American language Hopi does not make the same tense and aspect distinctions that English does, Hopi speakers must perceive the world and the passage of time differently from the way

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English speakers do.” (Meyerhoff 60). As such, issues relating to one’s ideology or belief system become subsumed in one’s use of language. The language an individual or society uses can be deemed to be reflective of an individual’s or a group’s belief system. Additionally, in his comparison of the language of the Hopi people and that of the ‘Standard Average American’ (SAE) a term he uses to group languages such as English, French, German and other European languages as a result of the little difference among them, Whorf points out the difference in the use of plurality and numeration in both the SAE and Hopi. He states, “in our language, that is SAE, plurality and cardinal numbers are applied in two ways: to real plurals and imaginary plurals…we say ‘ten men’ and also ‘ten days ’. He argues that “ten men either are or could be objectively perceived as ten.” However, “‘ten days’ cannot be objectively experienced. We experience only one day, today; the other nine are something conjured up from memory or imagination.” The opposite can be said about the language system of the Hopi people. One can conclude that the ideology of Western culture differs from that of the Hopi people and as a result that ideology is reflected in their Language system. Another point of comparison between the two cultures as expressed by Whorf is that of the difference in the use of temporal forms of verbs in ‘Standard Average European’ and Hopi. He notes that “the three- tense of SAE verbs colours all our thinking about time.” (Coupland 449). “Unlike in most Western cultures, in Hopi “verbs have no ‘tenses’ like ours but have validity forms that yield even greater precision of speech. The validity- forms denote that the speaker reports the situation or that he expects it or that he makes a nomic statement. The aspects denote different degrees of duration and different kinds of tendency ‘during duration’.” (Coupland 450). Hence, language is more that

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simply a system of communication but one that promotes a certain ideology of the society that uses it. Apart from the Hopi people, it is believed that the language of the Australians reflect their values. The Australians are perceived to be very relaxed people. This quality may be present in their language through their constant use of slangs and phrases. On his commentary on language, Edward Sapir profoundly states that “human beings…are very much at the mercy of the particular language which has become the medium of expression of their society.” (Coupland, 443). He goes on to state that “ ‘the real world’ is to a large extent unconsciously built upon the language habits of the group…we see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our community predispose certain choices of interpretation.” This suggests that one’s use of language is not to be taken at face value nor considered in any superficial way but to be viewed with respect to the ideology that the language used perpetuates among its speakers. Violence and Language Violence is defined as “intense, turbulent or furious and often destructive action or force”2; in addition, its proper context includes a negative effect on the victim and that individual’s societal interactions. Language is the primary mode of interaction between society and the individual, as such; the embedding of violence in language will have many implications. The question of violence and language must be discussed within certain parameters. Some are: the historical existence of the embedding of violence in

2

http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/violence

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language, the recognition that speech can be a form of enacting violence and the embedding of violence in language reflects power and authority relationships. The Caribbean’s history is deeply rooted in colonialism and the associated forms of exploited labour. Trinidad witnessed the genocide of the indigenous people, followed by African enslavement and large-scale indentureship schemes. Systems such as these are totally reliant on rigid power structures that were established physically and linguistically. Morgan and Youssef quotes Bendad that “in the colonial project, violence is not opposed to reason; rather, it completes colonist logic” (10-11). Violence in language reflects a social acceptance of the act. The exposé of a conference entitled “Rhetorics of wounding speech” states that “physical as well as verbal force always appear together in historical and social orders as symbolically coded, i.e., as legitimate, recognised, or illegitimate violence.”3 Speech reflects “hierarchies of interaction and social practice” (van Dijk 6); therefore, it can be assumed that violent lexicon shows certain power relations. The relation is that the powerful have the capacity to enact violence upon the disempowered. The relationship in the region changed from master-slave to coloniser-colonised and contemporarily to man-woman. Some of the lexicon reflects colonial ideologies. For example euphemisms for sexual intercourse include dagger and stab, the notion is obviously violent, in addition it is an act upon the woman. This reflects the initial “mastery of the white man over the body of the black woman” (Mathurin in Morgan and Youssef 11). In context the violent lexicon is directed to women as men feel that “only through the sex act that they are able to display power over women” (Babb in Morgan

3

http://www.sfb-performativ.de/pdf/program_annual_conf_2006.pdf

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and Youssef 18). Hence, the lexicon is violent and sexually explicit particularly when directed to women. According to van Dijk, discourse reflects social practices and functions. It communicates attitudes and stereotypes. Using the example of immigration, van Dijk states that “everyday conversation about immigrants may at the same time be part of the complex social practice of communicating ethnic prejudice, a practice which in turn may contribute to the reproduction of the social system of racism” (5), as such, the embedding of violence in the lexicon and violence of TEC can be viewed, in the minimum, as acceptance of violent acts if not a promotion of them. The link between violence and language is illustrated in popular culture. The instances of violent music in particular provided insight into the attitudes towards violence being reflected in speech acts. Currently there is focus on an artiste named “Movado” whose lyrics include “I’m so special, I’m so special, so special, so special. That’s why I’m strapped with my 45 special” (qtd. in Marcelle C3). The reference to a calibre of handgun prompts columnists like Marcelle to remark “since by beholding anything we become immune to and then become it, Bounty Killa’s lyrics now seems like a nursery rhyme.” (Marcelle C3). “Bounty Killa” is another artiste from the “dancehall” genre. That violence is enacted in speech has its basis in the concept of the insult. If an “insult is a communicative act” (van Dijk 8), it must have a consequence. This consequence can vary from blushing to embarrassment. As such violent lexicon can have a physical and psychological effect on the addressee. In addition, violence results in trauma which can exist as a historical trauma which is collective cross generational

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trauma transmitted over time. The history of the region and Trinidad in particular, creates such a situation. “Historical trauma can pre dispose the individual to poorly respond to lifetime traumas.” (Kira 80). This can account for apparent lack of response to the violent lexicon of TEC, the society has been pre disposed to violence. Violent Lexicon and Classroom Interaction In the Caribbean territories there is the widespread use of a Creole language to communicate. At the University of the West Indies (UWI), St. Augustine campus, there are students and lecturers from various Caribbean territories and extra regional countries. Thus, the lexicon from the Creole used here might be a hindrance to communication with individuals from different regions and countries. This can occur as the non-TEC might not understand the meaning of a particular lexical item used and thus misinterpret what was meant by the speaker. Additionally, some of the lexicon used in TEC speech can be ambiguous, proving further complications for communication. In Badjohns, Bhaaji & Banknote Blue, Lise Winer posits that “dissonance” can often occur in communication, which she shows in the following excerpt from a conversation with a Trinidadian. Trini: That child miserable! LW: Poor thing! Trini: How you mean?! LW: Well, if he’s unhappy… Trini: Is he makin trouble an you feeling sorry for he? That boy miserable too bad.” It was at this point that Winer realized that miserable in this context meant ‘badly behaved’ (16). Teaching Creole-speaking students in the Caribbean has presented many hurdles for non TEC teachers and students to overcome, not the least of which is the

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miscommunication which arises due to the language used in the classroom. “Miscommunication in the classroom is the primary concern that teachers raise when teaching Creole-speaking students” (Pratt-Johnson 45). In the case of foreign teachers especially, who are usually only equipped with the Standard English variety, they are faced with the daunting task of trying to understand a language with considerable differences in phonology, syntax, and more importantly the lexicon used. Likewise, Creole speaking children often find themselves having difficulty in understanding the standard and thus, primarily use only Creole, further complicating matters. Therefore, the responsibility falls upon the shoulders of teachers to “become more familiar with the linguistic patterns of the Creoles and the cultures of their students” (Nero 35) so as to foster better communication and understanding between student and teacher. Due to differences in the lexicon of TEC speakers as opposed to non-TEC counterparts, students may make statements or comments which would seem to be insensitive or even hostile and this may in turn, damage student-teacher and studentstudent relations. For example, if a teacher were to ask a student their thoughts on an exam, a Creole speaker may reply, “I mash up dat exam” which would be equivalent to the Standard English statement: “I did really well in the exam”. However, because the vast difference in the lexicon used, the teacher, having no knowledge of the local vernacular, may deem such a remark as insulting. Non-TEC speakers should therefore pay special attention to the language use of their students, “listening carefully to their creoles whilst making a genuine effort to understand them” (Nero 53). Teachers who completely ignore the predominantly Creole speech of their Caribbean students, sticking and reinforcing strictly the use of the standard also run the

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risk of greatly affecting the academic progress of their pupils. Even in English speaking Creole communities, it has been found that children generally receive little to no formal education in the use of the standard and so, are thrust into the classroom environment with an alien tongue (i.e. the standard) being used and imposed upon them. Such children usually find themselves being affected in many subject areas and “without appropriate intervention, will flounder and fail” (Pratt Johnson and Richards 34). Some children also begin to view their use of language as inferior to the commonly used standard and so may feel anxiety and dread at the prospect of their speech being heard or ridiculed in the classroom and many a time simply remain completely silent, bringing student-teacher interaction to a complete halt. Due to this sensitive nature of many students, teachers are therefore encouraged to be lenient with regards to the use of language in the classroom by giving priority to communication errors rather than taking a solely Prescriptivist approach. Consequently, a teacher will pay more attention to utterances that hinder communication rather than linguistic differences in speech thereby encouraging classroom interaction to be more dynamic in nature. In the higher stages of the formal education system it can help in bridging the gap amongst individuals from different territories speaking a different dialect. According to Ian Robertson in a paper entitled “Linguistics and the Reform of the Caribbean Language Curriculum” (1993) the “critical goals of the education system were the need for personal development through greater self-awareness and the need to develop a socially cohesive society through the appropriate levels of understanding and tolerance of those members of the society who were different” (4).

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Additionally, Robertson in an article entitled “Teaching Standard English in Creole Based Communities of the Anglophone Caribbean” postulates that the Language Arts Curriculum can help to develop “a proper understanding of the linguistic situation in the Caribbean” which he argues is “critical to the improvement of English language teaching” (5). He posits that “it will provide reasonable grounds on which to determine selection of classroom design and procedure for this language teaching context” (5). As a result, being aware of one’s linguistic situation and having language awareness will ensure that Trinidadian students are able to communicate and interact with peers and teachers from foreign countries without dissension.

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar Methodology

Figure 1: Gender Distribution for Questionnaires.

Figure 2: Age Distribution of Female Respondents

27

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar

Figure 3: Age Distribution of Male Respondents

28

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar Table 1: Number of females answering A, B, C or D QUESTION NUMBER

A

B

C

D

1

0

17

10

4

2

13

7

0

5

3

31

0

0

0

4

12

0

15

4

5

0

0

18

12

6

7

0

23

0

7

0

8

8

13

8

8

13

3

1

9

13

11

5

0

10

2

11

16

2

11

0

0

29

1

12

21

2

0

7

13

0

3

27

1

14

7

16

2

1

15

11

7

0

11

29

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30

Table 2: Number of males answering A, B, C or D QUESTION NUMBER 1

A 0

B 10

C 6

D 5

2

1

10

0

1

3

20

0

0

0

4

2

0

13

3

5

0

0

18

2

6

4

0

15

0

7

0

1

11

4

8

0

18

0

0

9

7

11

2

0

10

2

9

7

0

11

0

1

17

0

12

11

0

0

9

13

2

3

15

1

14

6

13

0

0

15

6

9

0

2

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar Table 3: Total Number of respondents QUESTION NUMBER 1

A 0

B 27

C 16

D 8

2

16

17

0

10

3

50

0

0

0

4

14

0

29

7

5

0

0

36

14

6

9

0

38

0

7

0

11

19

16

8

8

31

3

1

9

20

22

7

0

10

4

20

23

2

11

0

1

46

1

12

32

2

0

16

13

2

6

42

2

14

13

29

2

1

15

16

16

0

14

31

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Table 4: Table showing chosen answers from questionnaires4 Question Number 1 2

Word/ Association

Answer

Jack up [ʤak ʌp] Eat ah food (2) [i:t a fu:d] Badjohn [badʤən] Killing

(b) robbery and money (c) sex and robbery a) to eat healthily (b) to perform oral sex

(c) to kill someone

9

Bus’ he throat [bɒs hi tʃɹot] Frustration Beat in/out [bi:t i:n], [bi:t aʊt] Stab/Stab it out [stab] [stab ɪt ɑυt] Dagger [daga]

10

Hustle [hʌsl]

11

Blaze he tail [blez hi tel] Slam [slam] Kill me dead [kɪl mɛ dɛd] Daggering [dagaɹɪn] Blow out [blo aʊt]

(b) to earn money from working extremely hard (c) to earn money illegally (c) to physically assault

3 4 5 6 7 8

12 13 14 15

(a) a bully (i) lick ah shot and badjohn (iii) lick ah shot and share corn

(c) to bun dat (c) to damage violently (d) to hit repeatedly (b) rough violent sex (a) a highly sexual song (b) a short bladed weapon

(a) to have sex (c) shock (b) sex and violence (i) heavy loss in a competition (ii) a confrontation (iii) to be severely beaten (iv) to settle a dispute

WORD ASSOCIATIONS 4

Using a set value range of 30 to 40 % as a viable answer, the following meanings to the

words or associations were derived.

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33

Word association for open ended questions on the questionnaire. Table 5: Word association for Bacchanal Word association No. of

Chaos/Confusion

Party/Carnival

responses

42

7

Percentage

83%

14%

Gossip 2 3%

Table 6: Word association for Wicked slam Word

Sex

Dancing

Beating

association

Basketball

Did

Dunk

not know

No. of responses Percentage

18

10

2

1

2

55%

30%

6%

3%

6%

Table 7: Word association for Smoke yuh pipe Word

Trouble

association

/Confrontation

Consequences

Drugs

Mind One’s own

Didn’t know

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Business

No. of responses

20

8

6

4

Percentage

3

9 48%

20%

14%

%

7%

Table 8: Word association for Crack dem Word association

Hitting/Whipping

Sex

To Open

Didn’t

Something

Know

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar No. of responses Percentage

26 74%

Table 9: Word association for Mash up

2

2

5%

5%

35 5 14%

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar

Word

Destroy/

Sickness

Fatigue

association

damage

No. of

20

5

6

41%

10%

12%

Performance

36

Separation

Didn’t

(relationship)

Know

14

3

1

responses Percentage 29%

Findings Bacchanal (1) [bakanal] noun. a loud or riotous argument. Usage: [di nejbɑ ɑn hi waɪf had a bɪg bakanal dɪs mɔɹnɪn] (Creole) De neigba an he wife had ah big bacchanal dis mornin. (Standard) The neighbour and his wife were arguing loudly this morning. Bacchanal (2) [bakanal] noun

6%

2%

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar to meddle in other people’s affairs. Usage: [suzɑn laɪk bakanal] (Creole) Susan like bacchanal. (Standard) Susan likes to meddle in other people’s affairs. Badjohn (1) [badʤən] adjective A bully or someone who intimidates others. Usage: [ʤoi ɪz a bɪg badʤən ɪn fəlisiti] (Creole) Joey iz ah big badjohn in Felicity. (Standard) Joey is a bully and intimidates people in Felicity. Badjohn (2) [badʤən] noun A bully or someone who intimidates others. Usage: [laɪk jə fil ju ɪz a badʤən ɔɹ wɒt] (Creole) Like yuh feel you is a badjohn or wat? (Standard) Do you think you are intimidating? Bad Man [bad man] adjective Usage: [ɑɪ ɪz a bad man do fɹed nǝtɪn] (Creole) I is a bad man doh fraid nuttin (Standard) I am the most aggressive, I am not afraid of anything. See Badjohn Beat in/out (1) [bi:t i:n], [bi:t aʊt] adjective To lead a promiscuous lifestyle. An individual, especially a woman, who has had many sexual partners. Usage: [kɹəsi ɹɛl bit ɑʊt]

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Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar (Creole) Krissy real beat out. (Standard) Krissy leads a promiscuous lifestyle. Beat in/out (2) [bi:t i:n], [bi:t aʊt] noun To inflict damage on someone. Usage: [stesi gɛ bit ɑʊt] (Creole) Stacy geh beat out. (Standard) Stacy was physically harmed in the fight. Beat in/out (3) [bi:t i:n], [bi:t ɑυt] verb To defeat or emerge victorious. Usage: [ɛj bɔɪ wi wɪn di maʧ na bɔɪ wɛst ɪndiz gɛ bit ɑʊt] (Creole) Aye boy we win d match? Nah boy West Indies geh beat out. (Standard) The West Indies team was defeated in the cricket match. Blaze he tail (1) [blez hi tel] verb 1. to hit repeatedly. 2. (informal) to distribute licks, i.e. corporal punishment. Usage: [mɑmi blez hi tel jɛstəɹde] (Creole) Mammy blaze he tail yesterday. (Standard) Yesterday he was beaten by mother. Blaze he tail/ blaze (2) [blez hi tel] [blez] verb to defeat/conquer. Usage: [hɑʊ wʌz di ɛksɑm bɔɪ wi blez dat] (Creole) How was d exam? Boy we blaze dat. (Standard) The exam was relatively easy.

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Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar Blow out (1) [blo ɑʊt] verb to defeat/crush. Usages: [man gɛ blo ɑʊt ɪn stɹit faɪta bɔɪ] (Creole) Man geh blow out in Street Fighter boy. (Standard) I was defeated in the Street Fighter game. [ʧɛlsi blo ɑʊt manʧɛsta jnaɪtɪd] (Creole) Chelsea blow out Manchester United. (Standard) Chelsea was victorious in their football match against Manchester United. Blow out (2) [blo ɑʊt] verb to quarrel or berate. Usage: [ʃi blo wi ɑʊt ɪn klas ɑftɑ dat ɛksam jɛstəɹde] (Creole) She blow we out in class after dat exam yesterday. (Standard) Yesterday the teacher scolded the students after the exam. Blow out (3) [blo ɑʊt] noun a serious fight Usage: [taɪsən ɹɛl blo ɑʊt dat man ɪn di ɹɪŋ] (Creole) Tyson real blow out dat man in d ring. (Standard) Tyson fought well in the ring against his opponent. The man was severely beaten by Tyson in the boxing match. Bun’ dat [bʌn dat] verb To disregard something. Usage: [kʌm tə klas na bʌn dat na hɔs] (Creole) Come tuh class nah, bun dat nah horse.

39

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40

(Standard) I am not coming to class. Bus’ a shot [bɒs a ʃot] verb To perform an act. Usage: [a goɪn an bɒs a ʃɒt] (Creole) Ah goin an bus’ ah shot. (Standard) I am going to do something now. Bus’ he throat (1) [bɒs hi tʃɹot] verb 1. to attack someone. 2. a threat. Usage: [ɑftɑ skul a go bɒs hi ʧɹot] (Creole) After school ah go bus’ he throat. (Standard) After school I will attack him. Bus’ he throat (2) [bɒs hi tʃɹot] verb to wait for an opportunity. To wait for a profitable or opportune time to carry out an act. Usage: [a go wet fə ɪt tə go dɒŋ an dɛn a go bɒs hi ʧɹot] (Creole) Ah go wait fuh it tuh go down an den ah go bus’ he throat. (Standard) I will wait for the accurate time to make my move. Crack dem/’im (1) [kɹak dɛm] verb 1. to hit someone. Usage: [a kɹak ɛm ɪn hi hɛd] (Creole) Ah crack ‘im in he head. (Standard) I have hit him across his head. Crack dem/’im (2) [kɹak dɛm] verb

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar to wait for an opportune time. Usage: [a wetɪn tɪl a mek fɔɹti pɜsɛnt ɒn di ʃɛɹ an dɛn a go kɹak dɛm] (Creole) Ah waitin til ah make forty percent on d share an den ah go crack dem. (Standard) I will wait for the appropriate time to cash in on my share. Cut it / dat (1) [kʌt ɪt] [kʌt dat] verb To have sex. Usage: [a kʌt dat las naɪt] (Creole) Ah cut dat las’ nite. (Standard) I had sex last night. Cut it / dat (2) [kʌt ɪt] [kʌt dat] noun The act of doing an action, particularly wearing of stylish clothes. Usage: [a si jə kʌt a naɪs ʃuz jɛstəɹde] (Creole) Ah see yuh cut ah nice shoes yesterday. (Standard) I saw you wearing a nice shoes yesterday. Daggering [dagaɹɪn] noun Action related to sexual intercourse, in particular penetration. Usage: [di gjal dɛm wa dagaɹɪn] (Creole) Di gyal dem wah daggerin. (Standard) The girls want to have sex. Eat ah food (1) [i:t a fu:d] verb 1. doing what is necessary to survive. 2. Relating to performing a robbery. Usage:[ bɔɪ man hav tə it a fud]

41

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar (Creole) Boy man hav tuh eat ah food. (Standard) A man has to survive in this world by any means possible. Eat ah food (2) [i:t a fu:d] verb a term referring to performing oral sex. Usage: [devɪd wɛnt baɪ ʤɔɪs las naɪt an it a fud] (Creole) David went by Joyce las’ nite an eat ah food. (Standard) David performed oral sex on Joyce last night. Get corn [gɛ kɔn] verb 1. To shoot someone. 2. To get shot. Usages: [a man ɪn mova gɛ kɔn las naɪt] (Creole) Ah man in Morvant geh corn las’ nite. (Standard) A man was shot in Morvant last night. Hustle [hʌsl] verb 1. to earn a living 2. to perform any task to gain an income. Usage: [a ha tə mɛk a lɪl hʌsl tə lɪv] (Creole) Ah ha’ tuh make ah lil hustle tuh live. (Standard) I have to do everything in my power to survive. Jack up (1) [ʤak ʌp] verb a sexually explicit dance. Usage: [di gjal ʤal ɛm ʌp ɪn di pati] (Creole) D’ gyal jack ‘im up in d’ party.

42

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar (Standard) The girl performed a provocative and intimate dance on the boy. Jack up (2) [ʤak ʌp] verb a term associated with robbery. Usage: [di man gɛ ʤak ʌp baɪ di etiɛm] (Creole) D’ man geh jack up by d’ ATM. (Standard) The man was robbed at the ATM. Kill meh dead [kɪl mɛ dɛd] Usage: [wɛl kɪl mɛ dɛd tisɪs ɪz tǝde] (Creole) Well kill meh dead, tesis is today. (Standard) I am shocked that the thesis is due today. Lash (1)[laʃ] verb to hit. Usage: [liana laʃ ɹavi ɒn hi han ɪn klas] (Creole) Leana lash Ravi on he hand in class. (Standard) Leana hit Ravi on his hand during class. Lash (2) [laʃ] verb An expression indicating a food item is sumptuous and delicious. Usage: [dɪs fɹɑɪ ʧɪkən laʃɪn] (Creole) Dis’ fry chicken lashin’. (Standard) The fried chicken is delicious. Lick ah shot [lɪk a ʃɒt] verb 1. to physically harm someone. 2. used as a threat.

43

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar 3. to shoot someone Usage: [a go lɪk a ʃɒt ɒn jə] (Creole) Ah go lik ah shot on yuh. (Standard) I will shoot you. Lick down [lɪk dɒŋ] verb To get hit Usages: [di man gɛ lɪk dɒŋ ɒn di hɑɪwe] (Creole) D’ man geh lick down on d’ highway. (Standard) The man was hit by a vehicle on the highway. [ʃi lɪk dɒŋ di man wɪt a maŋo sid] (Creole) She lick down d’ man wit ah mango seed. (Standard) The girl hit the man with a mango seed. Mash up (1) [maʃ ʌp] verb To perform exceptionally well at something. Usage: [bɒngi maʃ ʌp di pati] (Creole) Bunji mash up d’ party. (Standard) Bunji performed extremely well in the party. Mash up (2) [maʃ ʌp] adjective To feel exhausted and lethargic. Usage: [a filɪn maʃ ʌp] (Creole) Ah feelin mash up. (Standard) I am feeling tiresome and exhausted. Rape [ɹap] verb

44

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar To perform exceedingly well at something. Usage: [a ɹɛl ɹap dat ɛksam] (Creole) Ah real rape dat exam. (Standard) I found the exam to be very easy. Ride ah shot [ɹaɪd a ʃʌt] verb 1. To retaliate or take action against. 2. Used as a threat. Usage: [a go ɹaɪd a ʃɒt fə jə] (Creole) Ah go ride ah shot fuh yuh. (Standard) I will take action against you. Share corn [ʃɛ kɔn] verb To shoot someone Usage: [de ʃɛ kɔn ʌp di ɹod las naɪt] (Creole) Dey share corn up d’ road las’ nite. (Standard) Someone was shot up the road last night. Shotta [ʃɔta] noun Usage: [kalɪd ɪz a ʃɔta] (Creole) Khalid is a dangerous character. See Bad john. Smoke yuh pipe [smok jə paɪp] verb To physically hurt or discipline. Usage: [a go smok jə paɪp] (Creole) Ah go smoke yuh pipe.

45

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar (Standard) I will beat you. Stab/Stab it out [stab] [stab ɪt ɑυt] verb Action relating to sexual intercourse Usages: [bɔɪ jə nɛva stab a gjal az jɛt] (Creole) Boy yuh never stab ah gyal as yet? (Standard) Have you had sex with a girl? [las naɪt ʤən stab ɪt ɑʊt] (Creole) Las’ nite John stab it out. (Standard) John had rough sex last night. Wicked slam [wɪkɪd slam] (1) verb To dance provocatively. Usage: [hi gɛ a wɪkɪd slam ɪn di fɛt las naɪt] (Creole) He geh ah wicked slam in d’ fete las’ nite. (Standard) In the party, last night he was given a provocative dance. Wicked slam [wɪkɪd slam] (2) verb 1. To engage in rough sex. 2. Having the right sexual moves. Usage: [ʤɒʃwa pə dɒŋ a wɪkɪd slam ɒn stesi] (Creole) Joshua put down ah wicked slam on Stacy. (Standard) Joshua and Stacy had violent sex.

46

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47

Analysis How is violence encoded in Trinidadian English Creole (TEC)? Using the Constant Comparative Technique, the following qualitative information was found. The data from the interviews and focus groups were classified according to the research questions and trends were identified. The table below shows this: Table 10: Trend Analysis of Qualitative Data

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar

Research Question Does TEC have violent lexicon? In which contexts is violent lexicon used in TEC?

Males

Females

Majority Yes

Other

Majority Yes

Other

Sport Competition Sex

All situations

Sport Competition Sex

Referring to other females in a derogatory manner.

Older people

Younger people

Is the violent Younger people lexicon used by any particular group of TEC speakers? To what extent None is violent lexicon a hindrance to communication with non-TEC speakers? Why do TEC speakers use violent lexicon?

48

Expression. Self empowerment.

None

Society is currently preoccupied with sex so the words used reflect this.

Minimal

Social dialect of Insults. the young. Resistance to authority.

Is violence encoded in the lexicon and semantics of Trinidadian English Creole (TEC)? A word is considered violent due to its violent connotation, though describing an ordinary act. From the data collected, it can be concluded that violence is embedded in the lexicon and semantics of Trinidad English Creole (TEC) speakers at the University of the West Indies (U.W.I), St Augustine. This is evident in the number of violent lexical items collected during the research and the fact that such terms are found to be in use in

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49

TEC for a considerable time frame. The usage of violent lexicon (VL)5 over a span of time is shown in the following table: Table 11: Word etymology or earliest recorded usage Word Bacchanal [bakanal]

Etymology or Earliest usage Derived from Bacchus, the roman god of wine and revelery. Earliest usage found in History of Carnival, 1935 (Winer, 146).

Badjohn [badʤən]

Earliest usage found in Penny Cuts, 4th June, 1904 (Winer, 147).

Blow out [blo aʊt]

Earliest recorded usage is 1956 (Winer b, 97 )

Bus’ he throat [bɒs hi tʃɹot]

Related to ‘buss up’ which means 1. v ‘eat hungrily; devour’ 2. v ‘tear; break; damage; hurt; batter’ 3.adj ‘ injured from blows; swollen, cut’ 4. n ‘argument; altercation; falling out’. Earliest recorded usages cited as 1985. (Winer B, 146).

Daggering [dagaɹɪn]

Earliest recorded usage found in “Daggering” by Jamaican dancehall artiste, Mr. Vegas, The Hits (Greensleeves Records, 2008).

Eat ah food [i:t a fu:d]

Related to ‘eat bad food ’which means ‘get pregnant. (Fr. the swelling of the belly). Earliest recorded usage of this is 1947. (Winer B, 323). Earliest recorded usage in the contemporary meaning is found in “Hey Sexy Lady” by Jamaican artiste Shaggy, (Geffen Records/Big Yard Music Group 2002.).

Hustle [hʌsl]

Earliest recorded usage is 1979. (Winer b, 443 )

Jack up [ʤak ʌp]

Earliest recorded usage is 1973. (Winer B, 458). Earliest recorded usage in its contemporary meaning is found in “Wrecker by Trinidadian artiste Machel Montano, Too Young to Soca (Macho 1986).

Kill me dead [kɪl mɛ dɛd]

Related to ‘kill dead’ which is a phrase “indicating extreme shock, surprise”. Earliest recorded usage is 1990. (Winer b, 495).

5

Hereby referred to a VL.

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50

Lick ah shot [lɪk a ʃɒt]

Related to ‘lick down’ which means to “knock down; hit someone who then falls”. Earliest usage found in Penny Cuts, 4th June, 1904. (Winer b, 526).

Mash up [maʃ ʌp]

Earliest recorded usage is 1940. (Winer B, 581). Earliest recorded usage found in “Dancehall Queen” by Jamaican dancehall artistes Beenie Man & Chevelle Franklin, Rudeagals (ZAC Records 1997)

Shotta [ʃɔta]

Earliest recorded usage found in “Shotta Nuh Miss” by Jamaican artiste Movado, Gangster for Life (VP Records 2007).

Smoke yuh pipe [smok ju paɪp]

Earliest recorded usage found in “Sea Water and Sand” by calypsonian Iron Lady.

Stab/Stab it out [stab] [stab ɪt ɑυt]

Earliest recorded usage found in “Stab Out The Meat”, by Jamaican dancehall artiste, Lady Saw, Raw: The Best of Lady Saw (VP Records, released, February 10th, 1998).

Wicked slam [wɪkɪd slam]

Earliest recorded usage found in “Slam”, by Jamaican dancehall artiste, Beenie Man, Blessed (Island Jamaica, released, July 17th, 1995).

In which contexts is violent lexicon used in TEC? From the above table, it is evident that TEC, like other languages, adds to its word stock through borrowing. The borrowing occurs mainly through popular culture, such as music. It is seen that the majority of violent lexicon (VL) is associated with sexual intercourse. These include [bi:t i:n], [bi:t aʊt], [kʌt ɪt], [kʌt dat], [dagaɹɪn], [stab], [stab ɪt ɑυt] and [wɪkɪd slam]. These words describe sexual intercourse as an act committed by one, the man in particular, on another, the woman. The action itself is portrayed in a

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51

violent manner. Besides referral to sex, VL is used in other situations. [bakanal] can refer to a meddlesome person. [bi:t i:n], [bi:t ɑυt], [blo aʊt], [blez hi tel] and [blez] refers to emphatic victories in sports and other competitions. [bʌn dat] is used to be dismissive of an individual, task or event. [hʌsl] is to earn a meagre living or a living through underhanded means. [smok ju paɪp] refers to disciplining someone through corporal punishment. [ʃɛ kɔn], [ɹaɪd a ʃʌt] refers to violence such as shooting, physically assaulting and retaliation. [ɹap] and [maʃ ʌp] refers to excelling at a task or its difficulty. By the diverse situations in which VL is used, the level of embedding can be seen as the mentioned situations encompass professional, social and personal spheres. Is the violent lexicon used by any particular group of TEC speakers? The data collected showed that the majority of students who use the violent lexicon are young, i.e. 18-30 years. This result was probably due to the fact that the majority of students at the St. Augustine, Trinidad campus are in that age group. The usage of VL can be accounted for in the fact that some VL is added through popular culture, such as music. The age group in question is exposed to this type of popular culture. This has resulted in the decay of certain VL that students 30 years and over may have used. Words such as [plana:s] which means to strike with the flat side of a cutlass are used less frequently. Simultaneously, some terms have remained such as [bakanal] and [kʌt a:s]. In addition, some VL has been replaced with modern equivalents, for example [badʤən] has been replaced, particularly among the 18- 30 age group with [ʃɔta] and [bad man]. This shows the embedding of VL over a significant time in TEC. It is also found that males use the VL more than females. Males use Creole more and would utilize the Creole lexicon more than females. The use of VL shows that

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52

males are less concerned with social taboos in terms of lexicon, especially with male and female peers. Creole usage is a way of asserting identity as a Trinidadian male. However, this does not mean that females utilize little or no VL. Females tend to use VL primarily with female peers. In addition it is used as a means of insult to other females. VL is not confined to any ethnic and social group at the St. Augustine Campus. This is based on participants in the focus groups being of different socio-economic backgrounds and being able to recognize the different VL. One reason for the higher levels of creole usage and, by extension, creole based violent lexicon by males, may be linked directly to the fact that males view TEC as a medium by which they can express their masculinity, as opposed to using the standard. Thus, the usage of TEC carries with it a kind of prestige amongst males that can be referred to as ‘covert prestige’; so named because although males may not readily acknowledge or even realize this fact, the values they attach to TEC carry with it positive and significant connotations. Labov stated that “masculinity is unconsciously attributed to the unmodified native speech pattern of the city” (Labov, 501). Conversely, females would more readily use the standard variety, as opposed to males, as usage of the standard variety may be used as means of self empowerment in society. As Trudgill stated, “covert prestige is more powerful for men and standard prestige is more powerful for women” (179). This theory directly correlates with the frequency of usage of VL by males versus females encountered during the research. Why Use Violent Lexicon? Many youth in society believe that any form of violence whether it is physical or verbal violence gives them the upper hand and they have a sense of authority. When

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students use violent language or language with violent connotations they experience a sense of supremacy. Lacan posits that “language ultimately shapes and structures our conscious and unconscious minds, thereby shaping our self-identity” (Bressler 179). Therefore, it can be argued that the embedding of violence in language helps to shape the way in which we perceive ourselves. Through violent lexicon one is consciously and unconsciously affirming the way one wants to be identified. Using violent lexicon and semantics gives an individual a self-impressed idea of power and authority. This belief of violent language as a tool for control is also manifested in the student in an educational system. VL is used by men as it is associated with masculinity. In addition the “gangster” culture embodied in some aspects of popular culture promotes the belief that to be violent is to be a man. As language is a primary means of communication, a male will use such lexicon to portray himself as a ‘[bad mad]’ To what extent is violent lexicon a hindrance to communication with non-TEC speakers? The majority of the sample believed that violent lexicon (VL) did not significantly hamper communication with non-TEC speakers. It was admitted that initially VL usage was misunderstood or not understood by non-TEC speakers. Non-TEC speakers would also make a reference to respective first languages and draw parallels. This is because VL is not confined to Creoles or TEC, it is present in all languages, though the degree may differ. However, after exposure to VL, non-TEC speakers adapted to the linguistic environment, understanding VL and in few cases using VL. This was the case of VL use with peers only. With academic staff, TEC speakers changed the amount of VL used. In some cases, VL was excluded from speech. In the few cases, where it occurred, more

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar ‘polite’ forms were used. For example, [a ɹɛl maʃ ʌp dat ɛksam] would be used instead of [a ɹɛl ɹap dat ɛksam].

Conclusion The data gathered provided several conclusions about the use of violent lexicon in Trinidad English Creole (TEC). They are: •

Violence is embedded in the lexicon and semantics of TEC.

•

The embedding spans a large period.

•

The use of violent lexicon is present in multiple contexts in which the speakers may function.

•

The violent lexicon is used primarily by young male TEC speakers.

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Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar •

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Reasons for young male usage include: assertion of masculinity, assertion of Creole identity and perceived enhancement of image to be gained with use of violent lexicon.

Recommendations On examination of the most recently published Dictionary of English / Creole of Trinidad & Tobago: On Historical Principles by Lise Winer, the researchers made a comparison between the lexical items identified as a result of the investigation and the words in the dictionary as identified by Lise Winer. There were lexical items that came out of the research that were not included in Winer’s dictionary. One of the benefits of the researchers’ analysis is to contribute to the dictionary by providing new Trinidadian English Creole lexical items thereby adding to the word stock. In addition, contribution to

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the dictionary is an integral part in codifying TEC. The following lexical items were noted: Words/phrases present in dictionary 1. Jack up (1) [ʤak ʌp] 2. Badjohn [badʤən] 3. Hustle [hʌsl] 4. Bacchanal [bakanal] 5. Mash up (1) [maʃ ʌp] 6. Blow out [blo ɑʊt]

Words/phrases absent from dictionary 1. Eat ah food [i:t a fu:d] 2. Lick ah shot [lɪk a ʃɒt] 3. Get corn [gɛ kɔn] 4.Bus’ a shot [bɒs a ʃot] 5. Bus’ he throat [bɒs hi tʃɹot] 6. Rape [ɹap] 7. Blow out [blo ɑʊt] 8. Bun’ dat [bʌn dat] 9. Wicked slam [wɪkɪd slam] 10. Beat in/out [bi:t i:n], [bi:t aʊt] 11. Stab/Stab it out [stab] [stab ɪt ɑυt] 12. Daggering [dagaɹɪn] 13. Blaze he tail [blez hi tel] 14. Slam [slam] 15. Kill meh dead [kɪl mɛ dɛd] 16. Smoke yuh pipe [smok jə paɪp] 17. Crack dem/’im [kɹak dɛm] 18. Cut it / dat [kʌt ɪt] [kʌt dat] 19. Lash [laʃ] 20. Ride ah shot [ɹaɪd a ʃʌt] 21. Share corn [ʃɛ kɔn] 22. Shotta [ʃɔta] 23. Lick down [lɪk dɒŋ] 24. Bad man [bad man]

Works Cited Bell, Roger. Sociolinguistics: Goals, Approaches and Problems. Great Britain: Billing and Sons, 1978. Bressler, Charles. Literary Criticism: an introduction to theory and Practice. 4th Ed. New Jersey: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2007.

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Coupland, Nikolas &Adam Jaworski. Sociolinguistics: A Reader and Coursebook.USA: Palgrave Mac Millan, 1997. Government of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. Ministry of Education. 25 Nov. 2008. http://www.moe.gov.tt/curriculum_pdfs/Language%20Arts/Lang%20.pdf. Ishtla Singh. Pidgins and Creoles: An introduction. New York: Oxford University Press Inc., 2000. Lakoff, George& Mark Johnson. Metaphors we live by. London: University of Chicago Press, 1980. George Lakoff and Mark Johnson (1999). Philosophy in the Flesh: The embodied mind and its challenge to Western thought. Chapter 1. New York: Basic Books.

Kira, Ibrahim. “Taxonomy of Trauma and Trauma Assessment.” Traumatology. 7.3 (2001). 73-86. Labov, W. The Social Stratification of English in New York City. Washington , DC: Center for applied linguistics (1966) Marcelle, Angelo. “Gangsta for Life.” Sunday Guardian. [Port of Spain, Trin.] 9 Nov. 2008, Vibe, C3. Meyerhoff, Miriam. Introducing Sociolinguistics: USA: Routledge, 2006. Nero, Shondel J. Dialects, Englishes, Creoles and Education. New Jersey. Lawrence Earlbawm Associates Inc. (2006) Otto Neurath, Rudolf Carnap, Charles F. W. Morris (Eds.). International Encyclopedia of Unified Science. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1955. Trudghill, P. Sex Covert Prestige and Linguistic Change in the Urban British English of Norwich. (1972) Van Dijk, Teun. “Discourse as Interaction in Society.” Discourse as Social Interaction. Ed. Van Dijk. U.K.: Sage, 2003.

Winer, Lise. Badjohns, Bhaaji and Banknote Blue: Essays on the Social History of Language in Trinidad and Tobago. St Augustine: The University of the West Indies, 2007

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar ---. Dictionary of English / Creole of Trinidad & Tobago: On Historical Principles. McGill-Queens University Press: New York, 2009.

Appendix A- Questionnaire

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Introduction: The researchers are Final Year students of the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine. We are in the process of collecting data for our study which is in the area of language use. We would appreciate your participation in this questionnaire. Your name is not a requirement. The information will only be used for the purpose of this project. Thank you for your cooperation.

Instructions: •

Please fill out the bio-data before proceeding to answering the questions

•

Section 1: Please read the following items and circle the most appropriate answer.

•

Section 2: Please provide the meaning of the listed words.

Bio-data: Please indicate the appropriate answer. Age: ( ) 18-30 years

( ) 31-45 years

Sex: ( ) Male

( ) Female

Section 1

( ) 45 and over

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar 1. Which one of the following is the phrase ‘jack up’ mostly associated with? (a) sex and money

(b) robbery and money

(c) sex and robbery

(d) robbery and mechanics

2. What does the phrase ‘eat ah food’ means? (a) to eat healthily

(b) to perform oral sex

(c) to perform oral and anal sex

(d) to perform oral sex and to steal

3. Which one of the following best describes a ‘badjohn’? (a) a bully

(b) a bad person whose name is John

(c) a group of careless young people (d) a rowdy group of young people 4. Which pair of words/ phrases relates to killing an individual? (i) lick ah shot and badjohn

(ii) bus’ he throat and lich ah shot

(iii) lick ah shot and share corn

(iv) badjohn and share corn

(a) i and ii

(b) i and iv

(c) ii and iii

(d) all of the above

5. ‘Bus’ he throat’ is commonly associated with (a) a surgery

(b) to break open somewhere

(c) to kill someone

(d) to stab an individual in the neck

6. When an individual is frustrated with an incidents he/she may use which one of the following phrases? (a) yuh get blow out

(b) yuh get a blow job

(c) to burn dat

(d) yuh get a wicked slam

7. ‘Beat in’ means to

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Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar (a) to strike

(b) promiscuous

(c) to damage violently

(d) to hit repeatedly

8. The phrase ‘stab it out’ means (a) to pierce deeply

(b) rough violent sex

(c) to dance provocatively

(d) to rob an individual

9. Which one of these phrases best captures the meaning of the word ‘dagger?’ (a) a highly sexual song

(b) a short bladed weapon

(c) weapon

(d) a useful instrument

10. The phrase ‘to hustle’ means (a) to earn plenty money

(b) to earn money from working extremely hard

(c) to earn money illegally

(d) to earn money legally

11. ‘Blaze he tail’ can be used to describe (a ) to set a fire

(b) a fire and a sudden outburst

(c) to physically assault

(d) a loud outburst

12. ‘ To slam’ means to (a) to have sex

(b) to kick down

(c) to kill violently

(d) to knock down violently

13. ‘Kill me dead’ is a phrase that expresses (a) fear

(b) disgust

(c) shock

(d) betrayal

14. ‘ Daggering’ is associated with

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Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar (a) sex only

(c) violence only

(b) sex and violence

(d) money and prostitution

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15. What is meant by ‘blow out’? (i) heavy loss in a competition (ii) a confrontation (iii) to be severely beaten

(iv) to settle a dispute

(a) ii and iii

(c) i and iv

(b) i and iii

(d) all of the above

Section 2: ‘Bacchanal’ _______________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________________ __ ‘Smoke yuh pipe’ _______________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________________ __ ‘Wicked slam’ _______________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________________ __ ‘Crack dem’ _______________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________________ __

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‘Mash up’ _______________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________________ __ Appendix B- Discourse Analysis Transcriptions The following are transcriptions selected from the recordings done: Speaker HB A B

Description Hassan Basarally Caucasian female, over 45 years old Caucasian male, over 45 years old

HB do you have any problems understanding students who use violent lexicon A

[actually. no.] by hearing the word in context I have an idea of its meaning

B [not at all.] HB A B I also make a reference. I am american. and use a reference from there HB so. If a student tells you he real rape that exam you would understand him A B HB

[Laughter]

[yes]

A

[Laughter]

B

in america. a student would say I fucked up that exam

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar Speaker HB A

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Description Hassan Basarally Indian male, below 30 years old

HB am. so. yu listed a set of terms. you find. am. terms that you listed before. tings A HB like cut an blaze an shotta and done yuh out and ting. wat kind. or who uses it A HB more. yuh find younger or older students A HB

younger people an. ah. one of the biggest

A reason is why. why. it. it. is associated with that is one. there were other slangs in HB de past. right. as manzie would a probably tell yuh. that would have been erased A HB as because of cultural erasure and because of the tings like music. rap music A HB especially. that many of d youths today find demselves adapting this kinda A HB americanise civilisation. lifestyle and some of d terms being used back in d day A HB is being erased and replaced by new terms dat is more american. or in. Yuh A HB understand? o:r some of dem might be of a jamaican origin depending on what A HB a music dey listen to A

Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar

Speaker HB U

Description Hassan Basarally African male, below 30 years old

HB U HB

sex these days ah say. ah even put it in a poem is new era form of [uh huh]

U HB

recreation. so you see how long time yuh used to boast ‘bout sports. now yuh [ok] [ok] and. am. so see this. these. terms

U

boast bout sex. so dat is d whole ting now.

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Baig, Basarally, Francis, Ramoutar HB

they not. just isolated in a certain instance. for example we see these terms being

U HB

used regarding school. like d exam real rape me. we see dem in sport. we mash

U HB

dem up or blow . we see dem used in competition like sport we see dem used in

U HB

in social activities like parties

U HB

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[it has become part] of us I would not say trinidad but d caribbean. [uh huh]

U HB

it come a part of d caribbean. so they use it e:very single instance they can apply to

U

yuh just getting a broader meaning.