The Troglodyte Dwellings Of The Matmata Berbers

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The Troglodyte Dwellings of the Matmata Berbers

A satellite photo showing a section of the modern city of Matmata, Tunisia. Notice the traditional pit dwellings surrounded by the clearly more modern buildings. Photo taken from: Google Earth.

By: Grant Brill For: Dr. Michael Peyron HUM 1310: History and Culture of Berber

11 May 2009

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Introduction For anyone studying troglodyte dwellings, southern Tunisia provides a plethora of sites still occupied by the indigenous Berber inhabitants. The highest concentration of which is located in the 3,000ft high plateaus of Jebel Nafusa some 43km south of Gabes in and around the present city of Matmata. Several estimates put actual inhabitance of caves in the region starting between the 13th and 15th century, though settlement could have occurred long before. With the dunes of the Sahara reaching as close as 30km to the west, Matmata is often hot, dusty, and dry with an average annual rainfall of 200mm. Why would people choose to settle here? How could they survive? To answer these questions, this paper will examine the cave dwellings of Matmata, their design and location, as well as look at the settlement today and see how it is fairing contemporarily. History Of Matmata’s Settlement Until Present Day The location of Matmata city is quite different today than it was in the 15th century, though the pit dwellings date back to the region’s initial settlement, this city is much more of a modern creation and locally called “new Matmata” with the original settlement of “old Matmata” some 15km further south. The reasons for founding “new Matmata” will be explained in the second half of this paper. In either case evidence suggests that Berber settlement in the mountains of southern Tunisia began with the migration of the Hilali Bedouin into the area in 1052, for Berbers who refused to submit to the Arabs their choices were either to flee to Morocco or take up refuge in the mountains.1 Human leukocyte antigen (HLA) testing confirms

1

(Hallet 1975, 22)

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that they did both, showing strong genetic ties between not only the Berbers of western Maghreb, but also between Arabs and Berbers alike.2 Early settlement in the Matmata area was probably thought to be transitory, perceiving that Arabs were a non-occupying force original settlement has made in a series of stone houses on the slope of what is known as “signal rock.”3 Having relocated to a far harsher environment, the Berbers would send workers to till the fertile lowlands when each wave of Arab invaders would pass. Around the beginning of the 13th century it became clear that the Arabs were there to stay, settling into the fertile lowlands especially around the coast, the Matmata Berbers had no choice but to “dig in” permanently. Permanent settlement here was not too adverse for those who had originally settled the area to escape the Arabs but for most the more recent inhabitants this would prove to be a challenging adaptation. Survival was key and the prominent threats were the intense heat and lack of water. To escape the heat they excavated caves and pits. To the south of Matmata the Berbers discovered alternating layers of hard and soft earth spaced about 2m apart. Digging a pit through the hard and soft layers, they could easily excavate a cave out of the soft layer of dirt.4 Inhabitants on the mountain slopes around Matmata excavated laterally into the slope to create cave-like dwellings. On the plateau of Matmata proper, the Berbers also faced favorable soil conditions and dug massive pits that could house everything from people to livestock. These pits typically follow a standardized plan. First a pit is dug strait in to the ground measuring 12-15m in diameter and 9m deep. Then from about 18m back a sloped tunnel entrance is excavated, large enough to allow the passage of both people and animals. Further excavations are made into the side of the pit for living quarters and storage rooms. If more rooms are needed, further 2 3 4

(Abdennaji, et al. 2006, 100) (Smith 1915, 827) (Hallet 1975, 22)

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excavations can be made in the already excavated rooms, creating an entire wing or a second level can be added above the preexisting one carving makeshift stairs into the wall of the main pit.5 Regardless of the dwelling once the living quarters and miscellaneous rooms are excavated the entire excavation is whitewashed. The main courtyard is used as a stable and for a communal area; some pits have also reserved the center for a roughly 6m deep well in an effort to tap into the underground water supply. Contrary to the subterranean theme of Matmata, only the living reside underground, the dead are buried in ground level tombs.6 In some cases, entire underground tunnel networks exist which connect multiple pits together allowing for work to be carried out underground in the event of a dust storm from the Sahara. During the summer months when average temperatures exceed 50ºC these underground dwellings remain cool while in the winter they remain warm with the temperature being regulated by the earth around them.7 While these pit dwellings were built to shelter the Berbers from the harsh environment they also retained a strategic advantage. Vastly outnumbered by continuously encroaching Arab invaders, these underground dwellings served as valuable fighting positions. On the ridgeline surrounding Matmata there was a network of observation posts, the most notable of these being the prominent “signal rock,” that would light fire signals to warn the community of an Arab attack.8 Upon approaching the area of Matmata, an attacking force would have trouble discerning a hill from a pit dwelling until only a meter or so away. Upon entering the tunnel entrances, the attacker would be blind momentarily as his eyes tried to adjust to the pitch black, and if he was able to make it into the central courtyard, he would be subject to a 360º attack from the dozen or 5

(Butler 1998) (Ibid) 7 (Smith 1915, 828) 8 (Ibid 827) 6

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so excavations in the side of the pit. With visual contact limited to close quarter fighting it would be impossible to estimate the total troglodyte population. The Matmata Berbers here made a genuine effort to not provoke the Arab invaders into coming into their mountains, as the Matmata Berbers viewed them as a real threat. This fear and avoidance of Arab lowland settlements forced the Matmata to devise a sustainable way to harvest crops. With relatively no water year-round and the perpetual fear of outsiders, harvesting was conducted stealthily long distances away, sometime as far as 90km in fertile plains near Arab settlements. Somewhat closer, 16km away to the east, were barley crops that were good for one or two harvests per year. Perhaps the most important crops were fig and olives; however, it was no easy task to sustain a tree farm.9 With the region’s mountainous deposit of limestone any standing water was quickly absorbed through the ground to be carried off by subterranean rivers.10 To make the most of what precious rainfall is received for both crops and water storing purposes, a system of tabias and jessours was established to funnel and retain runoff from the slopes above onto small pastures. In these pastures prime soil would be laid and once wet after a rain storm, fig and olive trees were planted.11 The tree farms have since ceased to be a viable crop and have been replaced by regular grazing land, though a decommissioned olive press still remains.12 Meat was rarely eaten as the animals were usually kept to produce eggs, milk, and cheese. It was also more profitable to sell the animals rather than eat them.13

9

(Ibid 828) (Ibid 828) 11 (Ibid 829) 12 (Perego 2009, 2) 13 (Smith 1915, 828) 10

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It is estimated that 15,000 people once inhabited these pit dwellings.14 However, since the French invasion in 1881, the number has steadily decreased to around 80 troglodytes in the original settlement of “old Matmata.” Introduction of French forces in southern Tunisia was probably the first time the Matmata settlements had been explored by foreigners and it appears that the French did relatively little to change their way of life. Surprisingly! In fact the paranoia over Arab incursion soon subsided with an established French fortification on the hill where one of the Berber observation posts once stood. The Matmata Berbers have since had little worry of violent attacks.15 Ironically, Tunisia’s independence from France signaled what would be the dismemberment of the Matmata Berbers settlement in particular, and the Tunisian Berbers in general. In 1959, President Habib Bourguiba ordered the creation of the city of Matmata some 15km north of the original settlement.16 Though authentic pit dwelling exist in this “new Matmata,” the intent of the government was to enforce the Arabization of the Berbers in southern Tunisia.17 As “new Matmata” became industrially more advanced, families from old Matmata began to leave their traditional way of life. Indigenous pit dwellings in “new Matmata” began developing houses next to their former troglodyte homes and with the introduction of mass produced commodities such as olive oil from the larger cities, it soon became outdated to grow fig and olive trees or to meticulously tend farmland. The Tunisian government aimed to integrate the Berbers into the system of mass society that was characterized by a void of the Berber

14

(Ibid 827) (Ibid 829) 16 (Perego 2009, 2) 17 (Ibid 2) 15

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language, history, and tradition taught in Tunisia’s educational curriculum. Unfortunately, the creation of “new Matmata” would be the least of the traditionalist’ worries. In the mid 1970’s, George Lucas would irrevocably seal the fate of the Matmata Berber with the shooting of the blockbuster hit, Star Wars Episode IV: A ew Hope, where several scenes were shot and sets were built. At the core of what is now a Star Wars pilgrimage site is the Sidi Driss Hotel that was built as an extension to one of the sets for Star Wars enthusiasts to explore, have a meal in the bar from the planet Tatooin, and try being a troglodyte for a night in one of their refurbished rooms. While tourism has significantly helped the economy, the economic gain is exacting the price of tradition and culture. As more cafes, restaurants, and five star hotels open to increase the city’s revenue,18 Matmata pit dwellings will face an increasing threat of being filled up and built upon. Since few, if any, travel services make arrangements to show the tourists traditional pit dwellings these remarkable homes will largely go unnoticed and underappreciated. The effects of tourism are not easy to curb, many of the inhabitants in Matmata have either constructed barbed wire around their pits to repel tourists from invading their privacy or have moved out of their troglodyte home completely, leaving them in disrepair. What kind of agreement would it take between inhabitants and tour guides to allow tourists a real perspective into a traditional home? Trip Report On March 7th 2009, my wife and I had the opportunity to visit what we thought was Matmata proper, only to discover during the research of this paper that it was in fact “new

18

(Matmata What Lies Beneath 2008, 2)

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Matmata.” Using our experience, the aim is to provide a clear understanding of what is the present day disposition of Matmata. Just before entering Matmata you pass through the flat desert plains to the north where there are about a half dozen visible cave dwellings that can clearly be made out, though few appear to be inhabited. Soon the desert gives way to a steep mountainous slope that leads to the Matmata plateau. Looking across the steep slopes, it

Terraced mountain side outside Matmata.

quickly becomes apparent that the mountainside is heavily terraced to prevent erosion, to grow crops, and to retain water. Achieving the plateau you are immediately treated to a vista view of the city. The city itself, at first, appears unspectacular with modern structures built everywhere, but after allowing the eyes to adjust, numerous mounds of dirt become discernable and intriguing. We were traveling separate from the steady stream of tour busses and adventure Land Rovers, so we thought it worthwhile to follow the crowed in order to see their “must sees.” After following them to the Sidi Driss hotel and several snack shops, we realized that their “must sees” were not the same as ours and parted for the giant mounds of dirt that mingled alternately with residential houses. Much to our disappointment, many of the pit dwellings looked in ruins with a few filled with trash as if being used as a local dump. Venturing further from the Sidi Driss hotel, the pit dwellings clearly became more hospitable with fences and

A pit dwelling in ruins. Note the well under the palm tree.

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barbwire around the pits fading away the further we got from the tourist zones. Turning off the road, and away from the Land Rovers going 120km/h through the city, we made our way onto a series of trails that wound around and in between several pits allowing for a greater perspective of the two tiered excavations, most of which looked abandoned. Walking a little further down the path, we came upon a Berber woman tending to her stock of a few goats, a sheep, and a cow. Noticing us, she inviting us into her home and determined to see one of these dwellings An entrance to one of the pit dwellings.

firsthand we immediately agreed. Not knowing where the pit was she took us, by the hand, and led us past a cement building that was clearly the living quarters for her and her family. Moving around her home we came up to a wood door that guarded the entrance to a virtually pitch black tunnel. Feeling and stumbling our way for about 6m through the tunnel we exited into a rather large circular courtyard 9m or so below ground level. Already the temperature dropped from the outside temperature of low 30ºC to high 20ºC. Looking around it was clear that the pit had not been used as more than a stable for some time. The stairs to the second tier were crumbling and ruble was scattered around about one-third of the courtyard. Based on the condition of the place we thought that there would be nothing left to see, but the lady soon led us to one of the excavations that had a shabby

The interior of one of the excavated rooms.

wooden door. Making our way in, we entered a sizable ~300 square foot room with the ceiling at

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around 2.5m. The room was completely whitewashed and noticeably cooler by several degrees. The room itself looked to be originally excavated as a living area that has since been made into a storage room and makeshift guest room with a small 1.5m long surface carved into the wall to be used as a bed. Having completed our tour, we tipped the lady a few dinars and proceeded with our venture through some more of the settlements. Peering down into several more pits it was obvious some were in better shape than others, that some were being used as a backyard, and that modern technology had most assuredly found its way into troglodyte homes. Satellite dishes became clear

A satellite dish perched outside a pit dwelling.

indicators of where the family lived as some were perched on top of buildings, while others were anchored to a mound of dirt just outside the pit. Noise from radios and televisions could also be heard emanating from some of the pits. Reportedly, at night the use of electric lighting within the pits offers a spectacle of glowing pits along the mountain side.19 Wandering still further uphill, we found ourselves blocked by a pasture that had retained its traditional function. The tabias and jessours were in great condition with a bright green sprouting of what looked to be barley, though there were no fig or olive trees to be seen a few date palms flourished resiliently. With virtually no

19

(Perego 2009, 3)

A new harvest? Notice the great condition of the tabias and jessouries, as well as the date palms.

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vegetation anywhere else in the city, besides palm trees, it was quite remarkable to see a crop sprouting. Moving downhill we decided to end the day by going and eating at the Sidi Driss hotel, which looked especially cheesy after having been inside a

The Star Wars set at the Sidi Driss hotel. Look familiar?

more authentic pit. The food was not spectacular by any means and there was something horrifying about the hordes of tourists who anxiously came to see the Star Wars set. We had only set a few minutes inside a different, more traditional Matmata and already we were hooked by its history, ingenuity, and dedication. Conclusion Today, it appears as though the Matmata dwellings are on the verge of becoming history. Compounding this issue are three main elements: 1) The government’s insistence of Arabization; 2) Modernity; 3) Misdirected tourism. Currently it appears as though the government is achieving their goals as the total population of troglodytes in the Matmata region is down to 1,000. The Tunisian government has long struggled to control the sizable Berber population, but it appears that this more passive approach is persuading troglodytes to leave their traditional homes. To counter this transition from modern living it seems that nothing short of revolution will restore tradition and autonomy from the government. This, of course, is easier said than done with the rather large obstacles of modernity and tourism lying in the way. Many troglodytes have already given up their dwellings for modern

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house-like structures. Traditionalists would have their hands full persuading residence to give up their convenient ways of living. For some years now troglodyte dwellings have been studied as a form of sustainable design since no materials are needed to build these structures, and the dwelling’s temperature is comfortably regulated by the earth. Perhaps this could be an argument for restoring and re-inhabiting former troglodyte dwellings? Tourism in the area has neglected the pit dwellings as one of the stops through Tunisia. Perhaps most vital to the continued existence of troglodyte dwellings is public knowledge. As it stands now unrelated tourist sites, such as the Star Wars set, claim a majority of the income while troglodytes find little incentive to continue residing in their dwellings let alone invite hordes of tourists into their homes. This is not the case in all of Tunisians some three hours south in the Gafsa Berber settlement, their homes are the main attraction of many tourist companies. It is then perhaps the shadow that Star Wars casts over the region that is a detriment to experiencing hidden qualities of Matmata. Whatever happens to the traditional dwellings of the Matmata Berbers it is safe to say that they are an amazing civilization that withstood the odds against the encroachment of foreigners and the dry baron landscape of the mountains on the edge of the Sahara. We might say that they “just survived” but in reality given the conditions they adapted and overcame as a society for nearly six centuries until the mid twentieth century they accomplished an enormous feat. Even today their underground dwellings are studies as an innovative way to build sustainably designed homes and their system of water channeling serves as a model for any society trying to retain what little rainfall there is. Words: 3,232

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Work Cited Abdennaji, Guenounou, et al. "HLA class II genetic diversity in southern Tunisia and the Mediterranean Area." International Journal of Immunogenetics (Blackwell Publishing) 33 (2006): 93–103. Butler, Reg. "Tunisia: Cave Dwellers of Matmata." Travel Africa, no. 4 (1998): 1-2. Hallet, Stanley. "Mountain Villages of Southern Tunisia." JAE (Blackwell Publishing) 29, no. 2 (1975): 2225. "Matmata What Lies Beneath." North Africa Times 29 (Febuary 2008). Perego, Elizabeth. "Beneath the Surface in Matmata." The Middle East Institute Encounter 19 (March 2009): 1-3. Smith, Russell J. "The Desert's Edge." Bulletin of the American Geographic Society (American Geographic Society) 47, no. 11 (1915): 813-831.

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