SIMPLICIUS On Aristotle On the Heavens 1.3-4
IAN MUELLER Ian Mueller’s unexpected death in August 2010 is a great loss to the profession as well as to his family, friends and students. He contributed no fewer than eleven volumes of translation (two of them part-volumes) to the Ancient Commentators on Aristotle translation series; three will be published after his death. He wrote at a very steady pace and his complete mastery of the philosophy of the exact sciences in antiquity was established by his 1981 book on Euclid, and by some 50 articles in the subject. He wrote with exemplary clarity, and was always patient and kind in explaining to those who were slower to follow. Ian would typically visit the office of the Ancient Commentators project at King’s College, London, to finalise his volumes with the research associates, and he always dealt with complications in a calm and helpful manner. His colleagues were looking forward to welcoming him as a visiting research fellow in King’s, as he had planned to spend more time in London. He had made other contributions to the Ancient Commentators project, including a seminal article, ‘Aristotle’s doctrine of abstraction in the commentators’, in the project’s collected volume, Aristotle Transformed, and a number of translations in its three-volume Sourcebook on the commentators. He gave generous advice over the years to the editor and to a large number of translators to whom he sent comments on request. His contribution will be sadly missed. The Editor
SIMPLICIUS On Aristotle On the Heavens 1.3-4 Translated by Ian Mueller
LON DON • N E W DE L H I • N E W YOR K • SY DN EY
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www.bloomsbury.com Bloomsbury is a registered trade mark of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in 2011 Paperback edition first published 2014 © 2011 by Ian Mueller Ian Mueller has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury Academic or the author.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN HB: 978-0-7156-4063-0 PB: 978-1-4725-5795-7 ePDF: 978-1-4725-0170-7 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. Acknowledgements The present translations have been made possible by generous and imaginative funding from the following sources: the National Endowment for the Humanities, Division of Research Programs, an independent federal agency of the USA; the Leverhulme Trust; the British Academy; the Jowett Copyright Trustees; the Royal Society (UK); Centro Internazionale A. Beltrame di Storia dello Spazio e del Tempo (Padua); Mario Mignucci; Liverpool University; the Leventis Foundation; the Arts and Humanities Research Council; Gresham College; the Esmée Fairbairn Charitable Trust; the Henry Brown Trust; Mr and Mrs N. Egon; the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO/GW); the Ashdown Trust; Dr Victoria Solomonides, the Cultural Attaché of the Greek Embassy in London. The editor wishes to thank Dirk Baltzly, Ian Crystal, Sebastian Gertz, Pantelis Golitsis, and Alan Lacey for their comments, Michael Griffin for preparing the volume for press, and Deborah Blake at Bristol Classical Press, who has been the publisher responsible for every volume since the first.
Typeset by Ray Davies Printed and bound in Great Britain
Contents Abbreviations
vii
Introduction Translation of the text commented on (On the Heavens 1.3, 270a12-4); outline of the commentary
1 25
Translation of the commentary
33
Notes Appendix 1. The ‘fragments’ of Philoponus, Against Aristotle Appendix 2. The ‘fragments’ of Alexander’s commentary on De Caelo Appendix 3. On the purity of the elements Appendix 4. The signs of the zodiac Bibliography Textual Questions English-Greek Glossary Greek-English Index Index of Passages (a) Passages quoted by Simplicius (b) Early texts cited in the notes Index of Names (a) Names mentioned by Simplicius (b) Scholars cited in the Introduction and Notes to the Translation Subject Index
v
145 169 171 175 176 177 181 185 203 213 213 213 217 217 220 223
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Abbreviations In most cases works are referred to by author or editor’s name and date of publication, full information being provided in the Bibliography. However, the following abbreviations are used: Against Proclus = Hugo Rabe (ed.), Ioannes Philoponus, De Aeternitate Mundi contra Proclum, Leipzig: Teubner, 1899. CAG = Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, 23 vols, Berlin: G. Reimer, 1882-1909. DK = Hermann Diels and Walther Kranz (ed. and tr.), Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 6th edn, 3 vols, Berlin: Weidmann, 1954. LSJ = George Henry Liddell and Robert Scott (comps), Henry StuartJones (rev.), A Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford: Clarendon Press and New York: Oxford University Press, 1966. RE = Paulys Realencyclopaedie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft, 51 vols, Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1893-1997. In addition the following names are used without dates: Bessarion for emendations by the Renaissance humanist recorded in Heiberg’s apparatus. Hankinson for Hankinson (2002). Heiberg for Heiberg (1894) Karsten for Karsten (1865). Moerbeke for Latin readings found in Bossier (2004). Moraux for Moraux (1965). Rescigno for Rescigno (2004). Rivaud for Rivaud (1925). Ross for Ross (1936).
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Introduction This volume translates the second half of Simplicius of Cilicia’s commentary on Aristotle’s De Caelo 1.2-4, in which Aristotle argues that the world is everlasting;1 the first half is in Mueller (2010). Approximately 29% of this material is commentary in the ordinary sense, that is passage-by-passage explication of what Aristotle is saying. Another 11% (20,1-25,22 and 92,22-109,15) is more general philosophical discussion and treatment of some alternative views. The explications and general discussions, roughly 40% of 1.2-4, have already been translated into English in Hankinson (2002), a work to which I am much indebted. The other 60% is Simplicius’ discussion of the objections raised by his Christian contemporary John Philoponus2 (in a lost work which I shall call Against Aristotle) to Aristotle’s attempt to prove the everlastingness of the world. About 40% of that material containing Philoponus’ objections (roughly a fourth of 1.2-4) is translated in Wildberg (1987), another work to which I am much indebted. So what is new in this translation, somewhat more than one third of the whole, could be characterised as Simplicius’ responses to Philoponus. Since the debate between Simplicius and Philoponus is an extremely important item in the late stages of the transition from paganism to Christianity in the Byzantine Empire, it seemed desirable to include Simplicius’ responses in the Ancient Commentators on Aristotle series. But to print them in isolation did not seem reasonable since they obviously have to be read in connection with what they are responses to. Moreover, it is clear that a considerable portion of the material translated by Hankinson, e.g., the long excursus on coming to be at 92,22-109,15, is introduced by Simplicius in anticipation of his attack on Philoponus. The possibility of incorporating the two earlier translations into this one was considered, but it was decided that this was not feasible because of (hardly unexpected or surprising) differences in predilections between the two previous translators and between them and myself. Hence the decision to make a new translation which could rely on its predecessors for discussions of many issues3 and give readers direct access to a historically and philosophically important document in its entirety.
1
2
Introduction 1. The disputes between Simplicius and Philoponus
Aristotle begins chapter 2 by asserting that all motions are either simple, that is rectilinear or circular, or composed of simple motions because the only simple magnitudes are straight and circular lines. He characterises circular motion as motion around the centre, rectilinear motion as motion up or down, up being away from the centre, down to the centre. He then introduces a distinction between ‘simple’4 bodies and compounds of them, and says that the simple bodies necessarily have simple motions and that it is necessary that there be a simple body which moves naturally in a circle by its own nature. This simple body is heaven, the world above the moon, the substance of which is a fifth element or aithêr, and for Simplicius Aristotle’s principal goal in 1.2-4 is to establish the difference between heaven, the only change in which is uniform motion in a circle, and the sublunary world which is composed of the four simple bodies or elements which move in a straight line, earth and water, which move down, and air and fire, which move up.5 For Simplicius the motions of the four simple bodies are inseparably connected with their continual change into one another, their acting on and being acted on by one another, a kind of change from which heaven is free. For Simplicius and Aristotle both heaven and the sublunary world are everlasting, but for Philoponus both came into existence in roughly 5500 BC when god created them and will end when god in some sense destroys them, an event thought to be imminent by Philoponus and his Christian contemporaries. However, the focus of the debate between Philoponus and Simplicius is heaven since that is the focus of 1.2-4, and one might say that they take for granted that the universe or cosmos is eternal if and only if heaven is. Simplicius takes it that prior to the texts which are commented on in this volume Aristotle has established not only the distinction between heaven and the sublunary world, but also the fact that heaven is more complete or perfect than the sublunary world, prior to it, and without weight or lightness. Although Philoponus would accept that there is a sense in which heaven is more complete than, better than, and prior to the sublunary world, he does not accept these assertions in the strong sense in which Aristotle and Simplicius intend them, and he raises explicit objections6 to Aristotle’s arguments against heaven being without weight or lightness. However, although Philoponus is ultimately interested in defending a Christian cosmological picture in opposition to Aristotle’s, his concern in Against Aristotle is, as this appellation suggests, merely to argue that Aristotle’s own arguments are inconclusive. To put this another way Philoponus’ concerns are eristic, and one cannot assume that an argument he makes represents a position to which he subscribes as
Introduction
3
opposed to a flourish he hopes will be persuasive. Since we don’t have anything like the full text of Against Aristotle we cannot be certain about its overall character, but Philoponus’ parallel work Against Proclus suggests that my characterisation is correct. If what I have said is true of Philoponus, it is even more true of Simplicius, whose argumentation is frequently both eristic and ad hominem. In responding to Philoponus’ arguments he freely casts aspersions on his opponent’s intelligence and motivation, and makes whatever counterarguments he can think of, whether or not they represent a consistent position. In this sense one might say that the dispute between Simplicius and Philoponus is a combat between rhetoricians rather than a philosophical, cosmological, or theological debate. There are, to be sure, philosophical, cosmological, and theological issues in the debate, but the overlay of rhetoric cannot and should not be disregarded. The structure of the part of De Caelo treated here is relatively simple, and can be seen by looking at ‘The text commented on’ section below. Aristotle argues first that heaven does not come to be or perish (270a12-22), from which he infers that it does not increase or decrease in size (270a22-5) or change in quality (270a25-35). If we can trust to Simplicius’ silence, Philoponus did not even discuss these further inferences, perhaps because he was only concerned to defend his Christian view that the world came to be (and will perish). Simplicius summarises the argument that heaven does not come to be or perish briefly at 92,4-7: I. The body which moves in a circle, i.e. heaven, does not have a contrary; II. what comes to be or perishes has a contrary from which it comes to be and into which it perishes; III. therefore, the body which moves in a circle does not come to be or perish. At 270a17-20 Aristotle suggests an argument for I, the premisses of which Simplicius presents as follows at 92,12-17: IV. There is no contrary to circular motion; V. ‘what has a contrary also has a motion which is contrary to its natural motion, namely the motion with which its contrary moves naturally’. For Simplicius the rather contorted V is clearly true (enargês) since, as he puts it rather opaquely, ‘since the natures of contrary natural forms are contrary, their motions are as well because nature is a starting point of motion’.7 Given V as ‘clearly true’, I follows from IV, the proof of which takes up chapter 4. It remains only to establish II, which Aristotle formulates in the following remark:
4
Introduction Everything which comes to be comes to be from a contrary and some substratum and it likewise perishes by the action of a contrary and into a contrary with something underlying, as was said in our first discussions. (270a14-17)
The first discussions are undoubtedly the discussion of the principles of coming to be in the first book of the Physics. Simplicius tells us at 121,4-8 that Philoponus argued against both IV and II, and later, at 157,21-5, that he also objected to V. I shall consider these propositions in the order in which Simplicius discusses them, first II, then V, then IV. The issues involved with II are not so much the truth or falsity of a clearly understood Aristotelian doctrine as an interpretation of what he says on the question of coming to be and perishing and whether what he says entitles him to the premiss he needs for his argument. On the question of interpretation Philoponus is concerned with what the Aristotelian commentators Alexander and Themistius have to say as well as with Aristotle’s pronouncements. His discussion depends upon a distinction between what are called contraries in the strict sense (kuriôs), which I will call ordinary contraries, and cases of the contrasting pair form/privation. A simple and representative case of coming to be and perishing involving ordinary contraries is an ordinary object or piece of material (an ordinary substratum) coming to be warm from being cold. Philoponus implies that Aristotle and Alexander only recognise this kind of coming to be and perishing, and he accepts that if this were the only kind of coming to be and perishing, the cosmos as a substratum undergoing changes between ordinary contraries would be everlasting. Philoponus argues that if Aristotle had acknowledged coming to be and perishing involving forms and their privations he could not infer that the cosmos does not come to be or perish. One of the strong points of Philoponus’ argumentation is the fact that Aristotle mentions only contraries and not form and privation in his formulation of II. Simplicius, however, has no interest in defending the view that the cosmos does not come to be by restricting coming to be to cases involving ordinary contraries. He argues, with extensive quotation, that Aristotle does not believe that all coming to be involves ordinary contraries. He even claims (125,20-2) that Aristotle posits form and privation as principles of coming to be and perishing ‘more than’ (mallon hêper) contraries. At 128,16-129,3 he attempts to explain why Aristotle formulated II using the word ‘contrary’ rather than speaking of form and privation, when in Simplicius’ view he clearly intends to include the latter.8 We will see that this conception introduces other difficulties for Simplicius, but now I wish to look at the arguments of Philoponus designed to force acceptance of the view that there is coming to be involving form and privation as well as9
Introduction
5
other cases in which ordinary contraries are involved, a position which Simplicius, of course, accepts. I list here Philoponus’ arguments (123,11-124,17) with Simplicius’ responses (129,4-131,17) in parentheses: 1. Substances come to be, but, according to Aristotle in the Categories, substance has no contrary (Simplicius quotes two passages from Physics 1 to show that Aristotle says that substances do come to be.) 2. Irrational souls come to be, but they have no contrary. (Simplicius expresses agnosticism on the question whether irrational souls come to be, but, he says, if they do their doing so is a matter of a body taking on a form which it did not have previously.) 3. Geometrical figures come to be, but Aristotle holds that figures are not contrary to one another. (Simplicius argues both that Aristotle recognises contrariety among figures and that he can get along with figures and their privations.) 4. Left comes to be from right, but these are relatives, not contraries. (Simplicius insists that left and right are contraries (as well as relatives).) 5. Individuals in any of the categories in which there are no contraries do not come to be from contraries. (Simplicius says that even in such cases there is the opposition of form and privation.) 6. Air has no colour or flavour, but things with colour or flavour, e.g. water, come to be from it. (Simplicius insists that air does have some colour, but also finds nothing problematic in the idea that something without a quality in one range, e.g. colour, might come to be something which does have such a quality.) 7. Light comes to be from dark, which is the privation of light. (Simplicius sees no difficulty here.) Philoponus goes on to argue that if (as Simplicius thinks) Aristotle himself intends to include form and privation as contraries, then he cannot maintain the view that the cosmos did not come to be. Philoponus would be in a stronger position if he restricted himself to this negative formulation (‘cannot maintain’), but in Simplicius’ representation he appears to slip into the positive claim that Aristotle must accept that the cosmos came to be, although Philoponus is in no position to establish this:10 For every natural form which has its being in a substratum and matter there is always an opposite privation, from which it has come to be and into which it is resolved when it perishes. But both heaven and the whole cosmos have been given form by a
6
Introduction natural form, so that they, too, will have a privation from which they have come to be and into which they perish. For just as human being comes to be from not human being and house from not house and, to speak generally, each natural or manufactured form
comes to be from not such and such, so too heaven, since it is also a natural form, has come to be from not heaven and the cosmos has come to be from not cosmos. But this argument presumably requires that before the cosmos came to be there existed some substratum and matter in which the privation of heaven and cosmos existed and from which, when it had changed, heaven and the cosmos came to be, but it would not necessitate that heaven have no beginning and not come to be, as the Philosopher proposed to prove, but rather the contrary, that it comes to be and has a beginning of existence. (132,4-17)
Simplicius’ rejoinder to this argument seems rather weak. He claims that Aristotle does not hold that ‘for every natural form which has its being in a substratum or matter there is always an opposite privation’ but only that this is true of every natural form which comes to be, and Aristotle obviously holds that the cosmos does not come to be, since he argues in Physics 8 that heavenly motion is eternal. Simplicius agrees with Philoponus that the cosmos is a natural form existing in matter. This might seem to commit him to the view that the cosmos could conceivably come to be in the way Philoponus describes, but, according to Simplicius, there simply is no privation from which the cosmos might come to be. Where, he asks, does Aristotle say that every natural form has an opposite privation? ‘Would Aristotle be so superficial as to think that there is a privation opposed to heaven and nevertheless to try to demonstrate that it is everlasting and to demonstrate this from its not having an opposite?’ (133,1-311). But, of course, the real issue is not whether Aristotle believed the cosmos came to be, but whether his doctrine of coming to be leaves open the possibility that it might have. Simplicius gives at least some indications that he is aware of the weakness of his position. At 122,29 he says that even if there were a privation of heaven and the whole cosmos, one would need a further demonstration that it came to be and will perish. And at the end of his discussion of chapter 4 (200,14-18) he admits that Aristotle might have done better to ‘argue’ for the everlastingness of the cosmos on the basis of Neoplatonic ideas about the dependence of heavenly motion on Soul, Mind or Being, and ultimately the One, ideas of which he gives a thorough exposition at 93,23-98,15 and which he associates with the argument in Physics 8 that heavenly motion is everlasting. When Philoponus says that heaven and the whole cosmos have also been given form by a natural form, he means or implies that the
Introduction
7
cosmos or heaven is a compound of matter and form. Simplicius accepts this characterisation, and says it is ‘not at all disputed’ (133,25), but he proposes to look at what Philoponus says in support of this truth. The discussion is mainly of interest because it touches on the difficult question of the nature of matter. For Simplicius the ultimate substratum of everything in the cosmos is what he would call prime matter. He tells us that Philoponus thinks that what the Peripatetics call the second substratum is the ultimate substratum. Philoponus himself explains the difference between Aristotle’s conception of prime matter and the second substratum at 83,14-18 of his commentary on the Categories (CAG 13.1): ‘Prime matter ... is incorporeal and without form or shape before it is filled out and receives the three dimensions and becomes three-dimensional (what Aristotle calls second substratum), and then it receives qualities and produces the elements ....’ The second substratum or three-dimensional is also called qualityless body, but for Philoponus it is the true ultimate substratum and a substratum common to all things, heavenly and sublunary, the ‘prime matter’ of the Peripatetics (and Simplicius) being an incomprehensible fantasy.12 Simplicius quotes Philoponus as deriding those who say that heaven is immaterial, assuming that they mean it is an intelligible object. Simplicius responds that what these people mean is that the matter of heaven is superior to the matter of the sublunary world in which things come to be and perish. He cites Aristotle’s suggestion that everlasting natural substances either have no matter or have matter which can only change place but does not come to be or change in quality or in size (Metaphysics 8.4.1044b6-8). Thus we have a situation in which Philoponus insists that there is an ultimate matter which is the common substratum of everything material and Simplicius responds that there are two such matters, one for the heavens, the other for the sublunary world.13 To Philoponus’ suggestion that if there are two such matters they ought to have both something in common which makes them matters and some differentiating characteristics, Simplicius responds that the two matters should not be thought of as two species of a genus, but as two stages in the declination of things from the One in which heaven has a priority over the sublunary world. Clearly Philoponus’ identification of a single universal substratum is a fundamental part of his claim that heaven is as perishable as things in the sublunary world. Simplicius insists that there cannot be one common matter because there are no interchanges between the two domains, a fact which he says in a rhetorical remark14 Philoponus could not possibly deny. In the last passage quoted Philoponus concedes that his argumentation would imply that the cosmos comes to be from a pre-existing substratum. But that is not a conclusion acceptable to Philoponus, who at 136,17 refers to his Against Proclus for arguments against it.
8
Introduction
If one can trust Simplicius’ representation, in Against Aristotle Philoponus did not repeat the arguments of Against Proclus, but only argued against what he took to be a misunderstanding of the Christian doctrine that the cosmos came to be from what is not as the view that what is not is an enduring substratum for the cosmos in the way that wood is an enduring substratum from which a wooden ship is created. Simplicius denies the existence of this misunderstanding. For him the important point is the requirement that coming to be must be from a substratum and have an efficient cause. Simplicius also tells us that Philoponus gave many arguments that divine creation involves the simultaneous creation of form and substratum, but he does not describe them or answer them directly.15 Instead he gives his own account of eternal creation as the only way of avoiding a question to which the Christians have no satisfactory answer: why was the cosmos created at one time rather than another? Starting at 270b4 Aristotle gives what Simplicius calls three corroborations (marturiai) or confirmations (pisteis) of his view of the character of heaven: the fact that people always assign heaven to the divine (270b4-11), the fact that no changes have ever been observed in heaven (270b11-16), the use of the word aithêr, allegedly derived from aei thein (‘always running’),16 to refer to heaven. Simplicius does not report any comment by Philoponus on the third of these considerations, but it appears from Simplicius’ discussion at 139,23-141,11 that Philoponus took the opportunity to point out, citing Aristotle as an authority, that important Greek thinkers did not think that the cosmos was everlasting: Plato said that it came to be (although it will not perish because of the will of god), Empedocles and Heraclitus that it alternates between existence and non-existence through time. Simplicius cannot deny that Aristotle says these things, but he insists that Philoponus misconstrues their meaning. Aristotle is stating the superficial sense of what these people said, while being aware that their true doctrine was the same as his own: the cosmos is everlasting and dependent on a timeless reality for its existence. Philoponus also denies the significance of people’s assigning heaven to the divine and of the fact that no change has been observed in heaven. Even if people do assign heaven to the divine, they also think that gods inhabit sacred places on earth, but they do not assume such places to be everlasting. Simplicius replies that considering these places to be sacred is not incompatible with assigning heaven to the divine, and he cites the prophet David as making such an assignment and for the belief that the cosmos is everlasting. Against Aristotle’s remark that heaven has never been observed to change, Philoponus says that many things in the sublunary world exist for a long time without being observed to change, and that heaven is subject to destruction if god wills it since it is a finite body
Introduction
9
with finite power. Simplicius appears to adopt a kind of Heracliteanism, according to which anything which is subject to change is changing all the time, so that if anything goes without changing for an hour it is everlasting. Moreover, although the cosmos is a finite body with finite power, it is held in everlasting existence by an unchanging and eternal creator. In chapter 4 Aristotle turns to the proof of IV: there is no contrary to circular motion.17 But, as we have seen, Aristotle also needs V, which I shall now formulate as ‘if two things are contrary they have contrary motions’ or, since the relevant things are substances: V. If two substances are contrary they have contrary motions. Simplicius gives his own presentation of the arguments for IV at 144,5-156,24 before turning to Philoponus, where, after belittling him for objecting to the arguments for either IV or V when he is willing to concede the conclusion Aristotle wants to get from them, namely I (heaven or the cosmos has no contrary), he turns at 157,26 to Philoponus’ objections to V. The discussion is made complicated by the fact that several independent points are intertwined. First, Philoponus weakens his rhetorical position by formulating V as: V’. If two substances have contrary motions they are contrary (157,26-7). Second, Philoponus argues that Aristotle should have taken into account other kinds of change in addition to change of place, so that the relevant principles should be: V*. If two substances are contrary they admit of contrary changes, or, in Philoponus’ formulation: V*’. If two substances admit of contrary changes they are contraries. Philoponus invokes Aristotle’s dictum in the Categories that: A. The same substance can admit contraries to argue that V’ or V*’ imply that the same substance will be contrary to itself, which is not only itself impossible, but also incompatible with another dictum of the Categories: B. Substance has no contrary.
10
Introduction
In the course of his discussion Philoponus mentions both qualitative and quantitative change (a substance can become hotter or colder, larger or smaller) and change of place (air rises and sinks). Simplicius does not get around to pointing out Philoponus’ logical mistake in substituting V’ or V*’ for V or V* until 162,20 (cf. 163,34164,27), and he himself is sometimes somewhat cavalier about the difference between them.18 Blocking the substitution would by itself eliminate Philoponus’ argument, but Simplicius chooses to explain why A and V’ or V*’ are both true, that is why the same substance can admit contraries and not be contrary to itself. He does this by invoking a distinction between active and passive changes. Active changes include the natural motions of the elements, which are due to the nature inherent in them, and, e.g., fire heating other things; passive changes include constrained motion and being heated by fire. Simplicius first says (159,34-160,9) that any of V, V’, V*, V*’ are to be understood in terms of active changes, but that the changes relevant to A are all passive. But since he, like Philoponus, is convinced that Aristotle is only thinking about change of place, he ultimately decides (160,21-30) that Aristotle intends V only to apply to motion and not to, e.g., causing something to get warmer. Simplicius’ position means that he has to deny the relevance of Philoponus’ claim (158,13-10) that air moves both up and down naturally, a claim which Philoponus supports by saying that in either case air moves to fill a void. Simplicius responds (160,31-161,21; 161,28-162,14) by claiming that the motion of air up to fill a void is natural, but its motion down is due to the need to fill the void. At 163,14 Philoponus considers the possibility of escaping the difficulty he has adduced by replacing V’ with: V**’. If two substances have contrary motions they have contrary qualities. Philoponus concedes that V**’ would entail that if something has no contrary qualities (as Aristotle is taken to have believed of heaven), then there would be no contrary to its motion, but he denies (correctly) that V**’ would be entitled to assert: V**. If two substances have contrary qualities they have contrary motions. Philoponus points out that this proposition should be false for Aristotle since he believes that the hupekkauma moves in a circle and so should, according to Aristotle (IV), have no contrary to its motion, but, being fire, it does have contrary qualities. Simplicius responds by saying that the motion of the hupekkauma is irrelevant because its motion is not natural (as Philoponus believes) but ‘hypernatural’.
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Simplicius takes Philoponus’ proposal to consider V**’ in place of V’ as an indication that he thinks that for substances having contrary qualities, in particular contrary ‘substantial’ qualities, is incompatible with being themselves contraries. This claim, which is repeated at 165,21-3, seems unjustified, since all Philoponus looks to be doing is considering an alternative interpretation without suggesting that it is or is not compatible with another alternative.19 However, Simplicius sees his main task as countering Philoponus’ ‘misapprehension’ by explaining why Aristotle can call substances, such as fire and water, with contrary qualities contraries (as he does most explicitly at 2.3, 331a3-6 of On Coming to be and Perishing) while maintaining in the Categories that substance has no contrary (B). Unfortunately, Simplicius’ exposition starting at 166,14 does not make any reference to Philoponus, so that we have no idea of what features in it he might have objected to. And what Simplicius says is a variation on common themes in the commentary tradition, and the position he adopts is hardly distinguishable from the one expressed by Philoponus in his commentary on the passage in On Coming to be and Perishing just referred to. Simplicius begins by explaining that in the Categories primary substance20 is a composite of form and matter, which itself is taken as a substratum. He distinguishes sharply between this substratum and the ‘accidental’ contraries which belong to it, contraries which underlie Aristotle’s A. And B is true because substance is being taken as a substratum: The statement in the Categories that there is no contrary to substance is true. For there is no contrary with respect to matter, which is only a substratum. And there is none with respect to form } (for