Linguistics Data Analysis Project

Carl G. Truedsson s0968902 Linguistics 1A Data Analysis Assignment

Discussion Partners:

Christina Rodén (Tutorial Group 18, Christina Schmidt)

Zoe Richardson (Tutorial Group 2, Jennifer Sullivan)

Gabrielle Rémond (Tutorial Group 19, Hanna Cornish) 1.

A.)

wasi-ki-kuna house-your-PL ‘your houses’

[wasi]: free root morpheme, meaning ‘house’ [ki]: infixed morpheme, meaning ‘your’

[kuna]:suffix morpheme, implying plurality B.)

atoq-j-kuna fox-my-PL

‘my foxes’

[atoq]: free root morpheme, meaning ‘fox’ [j]: infixed morpheme, meaning ‘my’

[kuna]:suffix morpheme, implying plurality C.)

takij-rqɑ-ntsik to sing-PST-you and me ‘you and me sang’

[takij]: free root morpheme, meaning ‘to sing’

[rqɑ]: infixed morpheme, indicating past tense [ntsik]: suffix, indicating ‘you and me’ D.)

aλqo-n-wan

dog-his GEN-with ‘with his dog’

[aλqo]: free root morpheme, meaning ‘dog’ [n]:infix GEN morpheme, meaning ‘his’ [wan]: suffix, meaning ‘with’

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Carl G. Truedsson s0968902

E.)

ruwa-sqɑ-nki-ta

to make-you-AGR ‘you

built’

[ruwa]: free morpheme, meaning ‘to make’ [sqɑ]:infixed morpheme, indicating more than one subject [nki]:infixed morpheme, indicating ‘you’ 2.)

[ta]:suffix, indicating object-verb agreement The allophonic variation in Language X has 3 separate vowel phonemes, each with 2 allophones in Complementary Distribution. The vowel phoneme /i/

contains the allophones [i] and [e]. Both allophones are unrounded, and differ

only in regard to [i] being a closed fronted vowel and [e] a closed mid fronted vowel. [e] only occurs before [q] (see Table 1), and [i] does not occur before [q], but occurs in numerous other phonetic environments (see Table 1). /i/ [e]

[i]

inteq

qɑri

tseqɑn

iskaj

qɑreqɑ

watani

miseqɑ

watankikuna

warmeqɑ

takijrqɑntsik Table 1.

The vowel phoneme /a/ contains the allophones [a] and [ɑ]. Both allophones are unrounded and differ only in regard to [a] being an open fronted vowel and [ɑ] an open back vowel. [ɑ] occurs before and after [q] as well as before [m] but never directly after (see Table 2). [a] occurs in most other phonetic

environments, but never before or after [q] and never directly before [m] (see Table 2).

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Carl G. Truedsson s0968902

/a/ [ɑ]

[a]

jurɑq

aλqo

wawɑqɑ

wawa

qɑm

warmi

qɑmkuna

platanukunata

mikusqɑnta

maria Table 2.

The vowel phoneme /u/ contains the allophones [u] and [o]. Both allophones are rounded and differ only in regard to [o] being a close-mid back vowel and [u] a closed back vowel. [o] occurs only before and after [q] (see Table 3), whereas [u] does not occur in this phonetic environment, but occurs in other environments (see Table 3).

/u/ [o]

[u]

aλqo

tuku

atoq

rumi

ɲoqɑ

mikunki

pusoq

pusoq

soqta

hatunta Table 3.

3.) 3

Carl G. Truedsson s0968902 Agreement in Language X can be described by examining the following Tables: Grammatical Person Agreement Singular

Plural

First Person

ni ‘I’

nikuna ‘we’

Second Person

nki ‘you’

nkikuna ‘you all’

Third Person

n ‘he/she’

nkuna ‘they’ Table 4.

The affixes illustrated in Table 4 are added to the verb to indicate agreement with the subject (Subject-Verb Agreement).

Grammatical Number Agreement

In Language X, [kuna] is added to indicate plurality if there is no numeral in the sentence. If a numeral does exist, then [kuna] is omitted, as it would be redundant to include it. e.g.

C.89 warmi C.92 xwan

mikurqɑn aska papakunata ‘the woman ate many potatoes’

mikujkan soqta (‘six’) papata ‘Juan is eating six potatoes’

In sentences with more than one subject, plurality is not indicated. Rather, the secondary verb receives the infix [sqɑ]. However, [sqɑ] does not necessarily only indicate that expression of plurality is not needed, it (as described in

Answer 1E) can also occur only to indicate that the sentence has more than one subject (see second example below). e.g.

C.94 xwan

papata mikusqɑnta (‘eats’) jatsani ‘I know that Juan eats potatoes’

C.95 maria

papata rantisqɑnta munani ‘I want Maria to buy the potato.’ Object Verb Agreement

Object-verb agreement is expressed in Language X when [ta] is attached to the noun in the sentence when the noun is the Direct Object. e.g.

xwan mikun papakunata (noun/Direct Object) ‘Juan eats potatoes’

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Carl G. Truedsson s0968902 Grammatical Tense Agreement In Language X, simple past tense agreement is indicated by infixing [rqɑ] to the verb. e.g.

warmi mikurqɑn aska papakunata ‘the woman ate many potatoes’ takijrqɑntsik ‘he/she loved’

Grammatical Case Agreement

Accusative

Dative

Genitive

Nominative

First Person

wa

N/A

j

ni

Second Person

N/A

N/A

ki

nki

Third Person

ta

N/A

n

n Table 5.

In Language X, the Grammatical Case Agreement for Pronouns is described in Table 5 above.

For Proper Nouns:

The Accusative Case has [ta] added to the noun The Nominative Case does exist but has Zero Inflection

The Dative Case is not shown in any of the examples from the Data The Genitive Case has agreement, i.e. [qɑ] is added to the owner, and [n] is added to that which is being owned. e.g.

wawɑqɑ (owner) papan (that which is being owned) ‘the son’s potato’ Noun Phrase Agreement

Language X does have Noun Phrase (NP) agreement for all the cases shown within the Data provided. The Accusative Case: e.g.

C.85 rumita

(NP) rikuni ‘I see the stone’ (‘the stone’ being the NP)

The Nominative Case: Again, does exist, but it has Zero Inflection

The Dative Case: Is not shown in any of the examples from the Data The Genitive Case: Is shown within an NP e.g.

B.84 wawɑqɑ

papan (NP) ‘the son’s potato’ (sentence is a NP)

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Carl G. Truedsson s0968902 4.) Progressive meaning in Language X is expressed by infixing [jka] in the verb. e.g.

C.92 xwan

mikujkan (‘eating’) soqta papata ‘Juan is eating six potatoes’

In English, progressive meaning is expressed by using the auxiliary verb ‘is’ (in 5.)

all its forms) and then adding a verb+ing. Based on the limited Data (only 4 examples), the conclusions that can be drawn regarding WH-phrase structure in Language X are as follows; When there is no WH-movement, all subject(s) of the sentence are moved to the front. However, when the subject of the sentence is questioned, then WH-movement (to the beginning of the sentence) occurs. C.96

pi (‘who’) munanki platanuta rantisqɑnta ‘who do you want to buy

bananas?’

C.97 imata C.98 maria

piwan (who) parlan ‘with whom is Maria speaking?’

C.99 krinki

6.)

(‘what’) janki xwan rantisqɑnta ‘what do you think Juan bought?’ maria xwan imata (what) rantisqɑnta munasqɑnta ‘what do you

believe Maria wants Juan to buy?’ Based on the Data, the secondary verbs in examples C90 and C97 should have [rqɑ] rather than [sqɑ] in the verbs ‘built’ and ‘bought’ respectively. This is

based on the corresponding examples from the data in which [rqɑ] is infixed to indicate past tense (see examples below). In the C90 and C97 this is not the case. e.g.

B.65 mikurqɑni B.66 rantirqɑni C.89 warmi C.93 maria

‘I bought’

mikurqɑn aska papakunata ‘the woman ate many potatoes’

platanukunata rantirqɑn ‘Maria bought bananas’

C.90 qɑjnuntsaw

yesterday’ C.97 imata

‘I ate’

wasita ruwasqɑnkita rikuni ‘I see that you built a house

janki xwan rantisqɑnta ‘what do you think Juan bought?’

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Carl G. Truedsson s0968902 7.) Due to the Limited Data, conclusions regarding SOV structure in Language X based on anything other than the simplest form of sentences would be

inappropriate. The simple declarative sentences (all 1st person subject,

present tense, and all require an object) in Language X are composed of OVS structure. e.g.

C.85 rumita

rikuni ’I see the stone’ OVS

C.86 hatunta C.88 hatun

C.97 imata

rantini ’I buy the big one’ OVS

aλqonwan qɑrita rikuni ‘I see the man with his big dog’ OVS

janki xwan rantisqɑnta ‘what do you think Juan bought?’ OVS

8.) a. aλqokuna mikurqɑnkuna warmiqɑta platanunta ‘The dogs ate the woman’s banana.’

b. qɑjnuntsaw rikurqɑntsik kinsa aλqo

‘You and me saw three dogs yesterday.’ c. atoq mikujkan hatunta papakita

‘The fox is eating your big potato.’ d. maria xwan taqijsqɑnta wawankunawan munan ‘Maria wants that Juan sings with his sons.’

Works Cited Lecture Notes taken from WebCT (Morphology & Syntax Module) & (Phonetics & Phonology Module)

The Leipzig Glossing Rules: Conventions for interlinear morpheme-bymorpheme glosses

http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/pdf/LGR09_02_23.pdf

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