ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﭼﺎﭖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﭽﺎﭖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ .ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ،ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﻣﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﺸﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﭙﺎﻛﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻢ: ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ؛ ﺑﻴﮕﻔﺘﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﭻ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺑﻴﮕﻔﺘﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ. ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ )ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ(. ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ،ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻐﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﮕﺮﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ،ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻳﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻓﺖ ،ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ» :ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ«. ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺩﻟﻬﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ،ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﺎﭖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ. ﭼﻴﺰﻳﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻐﺮﺽ ،ﺁﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ »ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻴﻬﺎ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ .ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ »ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻴﻬﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﻢ. ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﭽﺎﭖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ،ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺘﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﮕﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﺪ. ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺰﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺴﺖ: (١
ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ ،ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺠﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ،ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺂﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
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ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺰﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺍﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺖ.
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ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ.
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ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ.
ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ. ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ( ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﭽﺎﭖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ،ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ» :ﻋﻴﺒﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﻛﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ« .ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ» :ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ..ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟«.. ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ ،ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻮﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ. ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ» :ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ .«..ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭽﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﺑﮕﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻡ:
ÕÕÕ ١ـ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ: ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺷﺖ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ،ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ، ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺘﻴﺰﻧﺪ .ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ. ﺑﺎ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ،ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺖ .ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ،ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺷﺖ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﺑﺎﺩ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﺳﺖ. ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ :ﻓﻼﻧﻤﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟! ..ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎﺀ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ« .ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ .ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ .ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎﺀ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ،ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ .ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ. ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﻨﺪ .ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ .ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ .ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ .ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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»ﺳﻴﺪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ«» ،ﻣﺴﺘﺮ ﺿﻴﺎﺀ«» ،ﺣﺰﺏ ﻗﻼﺑﻲ«» ،ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﻲ«» ،ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﭼﻲ« ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﺟﺰ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ .ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻴﺴﺖ. ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﻴﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ .ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺟﻠﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ،ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ. ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ؛ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ،ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ .ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ .ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ. ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺗﻘﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﺑﻚ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻴﻢ ،ﻳﻜﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻣﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎﺀﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ،ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ. ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ،ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺑﺨﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﺎﻫﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ؟!.. ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟! ..ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻼﺗﺶ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺰﻧﮓ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ،ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؟!.. ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ؛ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻔﺤﺸﺎ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻘﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻧﺪ. ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻈﻤﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ .ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺎﻝ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺸﺘﻪ. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ .ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ .ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﺖ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﺂﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺪﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﺸﻢ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺷﺖ. ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﻓﻴﺴﺖ .ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺼﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻜﻮﺷﻴﻢ«. ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺼﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻜﻮﺷﻴﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ،ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻴﻠﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟ ..ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟.«.. ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﺰﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﭘﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟! .«..ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ» :ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟! ..ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ؟! .«..ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ» :ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ!« .ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ،ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ .ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟! ..ﺁﺩﻡ ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟! ..ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ .ﻧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ. ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ،ﭼﻪ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ. ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ،ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﺷﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﺪ؟! ..ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ؟!.. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ. ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ،ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺂﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ .ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ .ﺁﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ. ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﮕﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ. ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭﻫﻦ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻴﭽﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ .ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺂﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺂﺑﺎﺩﻳﺶ ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ. ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ .ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ،ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﻴﭻ ﺳﻮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺁﻧﺴﻮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ،ﻭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﻨﻤﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺀ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ. ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﺪﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ .ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ. ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻳﻜﺮﻧﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻣﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ؟! ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻧﺪﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺖ؟!..
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺂﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺘﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ« ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ. ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﺴﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ. ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ؟ .«..ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ،ﻫﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﭼﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ؟!.. ﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ،ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ :ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ، ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ـ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ. ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ: ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ؟ ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺎﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ؟.. ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺂﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺎﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻀﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ،ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟! ..ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟! ..ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ،ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟! ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ؟!.. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ.
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ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻗﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺖ .ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻃﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺨﺎﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺪﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻀﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ. ﺑﻴﮕﻔﺘﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ،ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ :ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻄﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻓﻪ .ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﻦ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ .ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟! ..ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟!.. ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ» :ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ« .ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟! ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺥ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟! ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ،ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ؟!.. ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ .ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ. ﻳﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﭗ ،ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﻮ ﺁﻧﺴﻮ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻊ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ. ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻟﻔﻈﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ،ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ )ﺟﺰﻭ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ( .ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻟﻐﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ .ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻊ ﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺂﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ .ﻛﺘﺎﺑﭽﻪ »ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺑﻤﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎﺀ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻊ« )ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ( ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﭼﻴﺰﻳﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺸﻬﺎ ،ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎﺀ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟! ..ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻴﺞ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ؟!.. ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ .ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ» :ﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺗﺴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎﺀ ،ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻊ! .«..ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ» :ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻊ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ .«..ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎﺳﺖ .ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ؟.«.. ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ! .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﻬﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ. ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﺰﺍﻋﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﻔﻈﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﹰﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﺸﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟! ..ﭼﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟! ..ﭼﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﭽﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﭽﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟! ..ﭼﺸﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟! ..ﭼﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟! ..ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ؟!.. ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ،ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ، ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ،ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ،ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭺ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﭽﻮﺭﻱ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎ ،ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻜﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﻠﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻮﻧﺴﻮﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻨﺪ.
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ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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٢ــ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ: ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ،ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ »ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ« ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ. ﻻ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﹰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺗﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ )ﺑﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ(. ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ،ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﺭﺗﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺗﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ )ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ( ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ،ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ،ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟! ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ؟! ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﺴﺖ؟!.. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ .ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻳﻜﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ،ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ )ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺭﺗﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ( ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ .ﺑﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ .ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺭﺗﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟! ..ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟!.. ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ .ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﺑﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ، ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ .ﺩﻫﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ،ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻠﻪ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺑﭙﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ، ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ .ﻳﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ .ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ .ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻻﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ .ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﻓﻼﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ،ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺠﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﭽﺎﭖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ .ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ» :ﺟﺸﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﻋﺰﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ«. ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ .ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ،ﻳﻜﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ. ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ .ﺍﺯ ﻭﻛﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺘﺶ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ،ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺑﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺂﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﭘﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺠﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ. ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺂﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺧﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻡ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻢ .ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺠﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻤﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺳﺨﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ،ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ .ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ،ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ،ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺩﺭ ﻟﺐ ﭘﺮﺗﮕﺎﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﭖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ :ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ.
ÕÕÕ ٣ــ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ: ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺂﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺂﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺖ. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺴﺖ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ. ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ .ﺑﻴﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺂﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ ،ﺑﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺂﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻳﻦ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ؟! ..ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ؟!.. ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﺸﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﻴﻢ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ .ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ. ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ. ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ» :ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﻊ« )ﻧﻴﻜﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻩ( .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﮕﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ. ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺴﺖ. ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻳﻢ. ﻼ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ» :ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ«. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ، ﻻﺑﺮﺍﺗﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ـ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ. ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ،ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ،ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻗﺼﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ،ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻳﻢ .ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ،ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ،ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ،ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ،ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ،ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ ،ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺀ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ،ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ. ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ .ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ،ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﻢ. ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﻻ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺍﻭ ﹰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﮕﻔﺘﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ. ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ .ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺂﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ :ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﺭ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ .ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﻚ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺷﺖ. ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺂﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻧﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ .ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﻭﺭﻱ ،ﺭﺿﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ ،ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ :ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ .ﺍﻳﻨﻤﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﭽﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻲﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻌﻤﺮ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﭼﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ؟ ..ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﺠﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ. ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻻﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ،ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﭽﺎﭖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺂﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺗﺶ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻴﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ» :ﭼﻪ ﺳﻔﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻴﻨﺪ ،ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﮕﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ«. ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻢ .ﻣﺮﺩﻳﻜﻪ ﻳﻜﻌﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺴﺖ ،ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﺷﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ؟! ..ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ؟! ..ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﮓ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ؟! ..ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ،ﻣﮕﺮ ﻗﺤﻄﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ؟! ..ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ،ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻳﺪ .ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﻤﺸﻬﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ. ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﺧﻤﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﺪ ،ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻚ ﺑﺰﺧﻤﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ÕÕÕ ٤ــ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤ ﹰﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ: ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ،ﻳﺎ ﺑﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ »ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ« ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ؟ ..ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻢ .ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ .ﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺨﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴﺖ .ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ :ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ؟.. ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ،ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺁﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩ. ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺂﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺁﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺂﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ـ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ.
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ﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﻳﺪﻩ ،ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ. ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺁﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ .ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ،ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟! ..ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ؟!.. ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟!.. ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ. ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻢ ،ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻳﺴﺖ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ،ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ،ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ. ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ،ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ.
-١ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺂﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺷﺖ .ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ. ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ .ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ .ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺴﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻮﺷﻢ .ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ. ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ. ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ،ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ .ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ .ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ. ﺳﺨﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ» :ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﻊ« .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ،ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺭﻭﺩ. ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺠﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ،ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ،ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺸﻜﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ،ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
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ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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٥ــ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ: ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ،ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ،ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ )ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﹰﺍ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ .ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ: ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ١٢٨٥) ١٣٢٤ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ( ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ .ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ) ١٣ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ( ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺸﺎﻩ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ .ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺧﻔﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ. ﻳﻜﻤﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﭽﺎﭖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ. ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ،ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ، ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ. ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﺳﺖ :ﻳﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﻤﺶ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ، ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ،ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ،ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ »ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﻠﻲ«» ،ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ. ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ١٣٢٩ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ :ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ )ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ( ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ. ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ،ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ،ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ .ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ ،ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﭘﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﺩ. ﭘﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ .ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ )ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ (١٣٢٥ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ،ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ،ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ. ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺸﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ. ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ »ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻴﺠﻬﺖ« ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ. ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺪﻝ ،ﻛﻔﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ،ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ .ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ. ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ »ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ« ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ،ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﺻﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ .ﺑﻴﺠﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ. ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻤﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺂﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ .ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ .ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻼﻗﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ،ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻌﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ،ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺳﺒﻚﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ ،ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ .ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ: ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ )ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ (١٣٢٥ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺴﺖ .ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ،ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ؟.. ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ..ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﭽﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻏﻠﻄﻴﺴﺖ. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻼﻓﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ،ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ. ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺎﺳﺖ .ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺂﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻤﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ،ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻀﺎﻳﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ. ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ، ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ :ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺂﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺂﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ. ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﻲ ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ..ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺂﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﻛﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ .ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻴﺪ ،ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ. ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ،ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ. ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻤﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺁﻧﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ.
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ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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٦ــ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ: ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ،ﺁﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ،ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ،ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ. ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻟﻴﺪﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ«. ﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ! ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ،ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻟﻴﺪﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ .ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﺑﺸﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻮﺩﺗﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ..ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺸﻤﺎ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ،ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺵ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ. ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ: ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴﺖ .ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻜﻠﻔﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ،ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻤﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺑﻬﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ :ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ،ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ .ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺴﺖ. ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻨﻔﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺸﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ. ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟.. ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ. ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ. ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻠﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ،ﺑﻴﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺟﻠﻮ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ. ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ،ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻴﻬﺎ )ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺟﻠﻮ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ. ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺴﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ. ﺳﻮﻡ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ .ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟..
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﻻ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻻﺯﻣﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺂﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﹰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﺴﺖ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ. ﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ..ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ..ﺍﻭ ﹰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ .ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻬﺖﻫﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ. ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺼﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ،ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ ،ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺎﻡ ،ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ ،ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ .ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ :ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ،ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ،ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ،ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ… ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻼ ﻧﺼﺎﺏ »ﻭﺯﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ .ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻼ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ..ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ..ﭼﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ..ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻓﻼﻥ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺑﻌﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺶ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﮔﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ: ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺒﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺰﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ .ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻢ .ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ .ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﺵ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ« ﺑﻮﺩ .ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ» :ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﭽﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟« .ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ» :ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ!« .ﮔﻔﺘﻢ» :ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ« .ﻳﻜﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ!« .ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ ،ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« .ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺖ .ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪﻡ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﭼﻪ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ. ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ،ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﺁﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ .ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ .ﻫﺮ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ. ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺪﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺸﺨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ .ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ. ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﻨﻤﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ، ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ،ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ. ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻛﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﻫﺎﻧﻨﺪ .ﻣﺰﺩﻳﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ .ﻓﻼﻥ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﭼﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ..ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺩ ،ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺂﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ،ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ،ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﺩ ،ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ. ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ـ ﺑﺴﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺮﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ. ﭘﺲ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟! ..ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ؟!.. ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟! ..ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ. ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻚ ،ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺮﻭﺩﻳﺪ؟! ..ﺁﻥ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻴﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟!.. ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻡ؟!..ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ!.. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ« .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ. ﻼ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺎﻙ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ .ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ »ﻛﻨﻴﻦ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺶ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ .ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻫﻮﺳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺂﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ. ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺤﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺤﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ،ﺭﻳﺸﺨﻨﺪ ﻼ ﻣﺎﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ( ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ» :ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﺪ )ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؟!.«.. ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ .ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ،ﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺭﻭﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺳﺒﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﺬﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ،ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ. ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﻢ :ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺴﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ؟! ..ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻬﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭼﻪ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ،ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﮕﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﺰﺍﺭﻡ: (١ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ .ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻳﻢ، ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺘﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ،ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ،ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻴﻢ .ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺂﺑﺎﺩﻳﺶ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﻢ. ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟!.. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻫﺮﺁﻟﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ :ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟! ..ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺖ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ .ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ :ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟! ..ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ :ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ،ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﮔﻲ ،ﺗﻮﺳﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﻱ ،ﺑﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎ… ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮕﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ» :ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻴﭽﻲ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ« .ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ: ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻲ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟! ..ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻜﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ؟! ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺴﺖ؟!.. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ. (٢ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ .ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ. ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻴﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ. ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ .ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻏﻠﻄﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺸﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ،ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ،ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﻄﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﭽﺸﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻤﻘﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﻼ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﺸﻢ )ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ. ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ. ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ .ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ؟ ..ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ. ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ .ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ… ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ؟.. ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪ؟ ..ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ. ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﻣﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺴﺖ؟! ..ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟!.. ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ .ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟! ..ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟! ..ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟!.. ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ .ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ. ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ :ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. (٣ﺑﻤﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﺴﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ. ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻴﻚ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ .ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺍﻧﺪ. ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ :ﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ .ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ،ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ،ﺭﺧﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﻢ ،ﻛﻔﺶ ﺧﺮﻳﻢ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﺰﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ .ﺑﻴﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ .ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ،ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ،ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺂﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﻳﻢ .ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ. ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ، ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ .ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﻨﻤﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ :ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻜﺘﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ؟!.. ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ؟! ..ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﺪ ،ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﺑﺎﻳﻨﻤﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ. ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ .ﻛﻢ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ. ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ. ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« .ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ،ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪ. ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ» :ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ« .ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻔﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ. (٤ﺑﺎﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ .ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ .ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ( ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ،ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻲ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ. ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ،ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ .ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺂﻥ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﻃﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻧﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻤﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ. (٥ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺎﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﭽﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ .ﻳﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ .ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ .ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ .ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ،ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟.. ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺸﻤﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ..ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ .ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ،ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺪﻝ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ .ﻣﺴﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ .ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ .ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ. ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﺴﺖ؟! ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻳﺴﺖ؟! ..ﺑﻴﺠﻬﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﺘﺮﮒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺴﺖ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺶ ﺗﻬﻴﺴﺖ ،ﺗﻮﻳﺶ ﭘﻮﭼﺴﺖ. ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺴﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻮﭼﻲ ،ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ،ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ .ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﭻ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﺳﺖ .ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ،ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻳﻜﻤﺎﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺼﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ، ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ،ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺂﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ .ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻨﺴﺖ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻨﺴﺖ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺴﺮﺗﻜﺶ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ. (٦ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﺤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺂﺗﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﺮ ﻣﻴﺒﺮﻧﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﭼﺮﺥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟ ..ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ،ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺎﻧﻬﺎ ،ﻫﻴﺰﻡ ﺷﻜﻨﻬﺎ ،ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺮﻫﺎ ،ﺧﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻬﺎ، ﻧﺎﻭﻩ ﻛﺸﻬﺎ …،ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ. ﻫﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ؟ ..ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻬﻤﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﺼﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ. ﺁﻳﺎ ﺻﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ..ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﻴﺪ .ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ )ﻳﻜﺨﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻨﻔﺮﻱ(، ﭼﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ. ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟! ..ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ،ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ، ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟!.. ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﭙﺎﺳﺒﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﭙﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﺵ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ،ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺛﻠﺚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ )ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ( ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﭙﺎﺳﺒﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﭙﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ. ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺁﻧﻜﺴﺎﻧﻴﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ،ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ. (٧ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ .ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺪﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ،ﺍﺯ ﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﺴﺖ ،ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺑﺴﺖ .ﺟﺰ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺩﻭ ﺛﻠﺚ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ .ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻤﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ :ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ،ﺗﻠﻔﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ،ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺂﻧﺠﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻧﺪ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺂﻧﺪﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﺪ .ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻏﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ،ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ،ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﺎﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺩﻩ ،ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻐﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻏﻬﺎ ،ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﺬﻳﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻛﺴﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ،ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﺳﺖ. ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﻤﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ. ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ» :ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺶ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺶ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ« .ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺪﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ ،ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴﺖ. ﻼ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ( ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؟ ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﭙﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ؟ ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ؟.. ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻜﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺼﺪﺍ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ .ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻬﻮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺷﺖ .ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ. ﺁﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩ» :ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ،ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﺍﻳﺴﺖ«» ،ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«» ،ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ«» ،ﺑﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ«… ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺠﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ .ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺴﺮﻭﻗﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ ،ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﭽﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ،ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ ،ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﺮﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ.
ÕÕÕ ٧ــ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ: ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ .ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ :ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ .ﺍﺻﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺸﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺂﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ .ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ )ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ،ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﺑﺪﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻕ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﺍﺻﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﻳﻜﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺴﺖ .ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻤﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ،ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ: (١ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ؟.. (٢ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟.. ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺴﺖ .ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺴﺖ ،ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ .ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ـ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ،ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻧﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺴﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ( ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ :ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ،ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ(. ﻣﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ. ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻬﺎﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ. ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﺴﺮﺍﻏﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻜﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ،ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ..ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ..ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻨﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ. ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ،ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ،ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺎ ،ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ. ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ :ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺸﻬﺎ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ،ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﻮﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ: ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻤﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻲ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻭ ﻳﻜﭽﻴﺰﻳﻜﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻔﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ. ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ..ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ـ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻭ ﻣﻔﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ« ،ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ،ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟!..
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ، ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ،ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ؟!.. ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ .ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲﺗﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ .ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺧﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ» :ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ«. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻣﻬﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺂﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ. ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ( ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ، ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺴﻼﻧﻴﺪ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﺎﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ: ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ﺟﻠﻮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﻳﻚ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺴﻼﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻴﺴﺖ ،ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺴﺖ ،ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻳﻜﭽﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺴﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ،ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭽﻴﺴﺖ؟ ..ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ» :ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻣﺬﻫﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ،ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﻬﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ« .ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ؟!.. ﺯﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ ،ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ،ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ :ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺤﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻤﺪﻭﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻨﺪ .ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺴﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﭼﻴﺰﻳﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ،ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﺯﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ. ﭼﻴﺰﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ :ﺧﺪﺍ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ .ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟! ..ﺯﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﺷﺮﺍ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﺎﻳﺪ؟! ..ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ؟!.. ﺁﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ. ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻳﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺴﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ. ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ» :ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ« .ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ» :ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ« .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ. ﺑﻬﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ :ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ،ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ( ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ ،ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺴﺖ .ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ. ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﻢ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺖ ،ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ،ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺭﺛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺖ ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ. ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ،ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ،ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ،ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺼﻮﺭﺗﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﺑﺪﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ )ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ( ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ،ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ .ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﺒﺎﺯﻳﭽﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ. ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ )ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ( ﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﻳﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻬﻢ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ،ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺼﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺴﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ :ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ .ﻓﺮﻉ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ. ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ »ﺷﺘﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻨﮕﻲ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ» :ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﺟﺴﺖ« .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺂﻣﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻚ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ،ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ،ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ،ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﻳﺪﻩ .ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻛﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ .ﺭﻭﺯﻳﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺨﻤﻬﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻴﺪﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ .ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ،ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ، ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻴﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ،ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ. ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ .ﭘﺲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ. ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻜﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ،ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ؟! ..ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ؟! ..ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﭽﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﻮﺯﺩ؟! ..ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺴﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟!.. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺸﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺖ ،ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺂﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺳﺨﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ـ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻳﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ ـ ﺑﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻢ:
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﻜﺴﺖ ،ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ ،ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻧﺴﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ .ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ .ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ،ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﭘﺲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺴﺖ .ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ: ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺨﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ )ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ( ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ، ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﺮﺡ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻡ ﺑﺴﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﺑﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻢ: ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻴﻚ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ،ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ،ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺟﻔﺖ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ـ ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺨﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ،ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ .ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﭘﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ. ﭼﻴﺰﻳﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺰﺍﺭﻡ .ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺂﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺖ ،ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ،ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ،ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ. ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ :ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ :ﻓﻼﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻔﻼﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻜﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻲ ﺷﻜﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ .ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﺴﺖ :ﻓﻼﻧﻤﺮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ .ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺴﺖ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﭼﻴﺰﻳﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ،ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺮﺍﻩ ﺟﻠﻮ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ :ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺍﺭﻱ ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﺎ، ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ،ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ: ﻼ ﻓﻼﻧﻜﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ (١ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ .ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻘﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ،ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻼﻛﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ،ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻤﺮﺍﺑﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻳﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺍﺭﻳﺴﺖ .ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﺪ ،ﻓﻼﻧﻤﺮﺩ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ. (٢ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ .ﻳﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﻣﺰﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ .ﻓﻼﻥ ﻫﻴﺰﻡ ﺷﻜﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻋﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﺳﺘﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ،ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ. ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺑﺰﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ. ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻩ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ،ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ،ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻢ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ،ﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﻢ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ. ﻼ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ (٣ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺂﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ .ﻛﺴﻴﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ )ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ( ،ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﺎ
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻤﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺂﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ .ﭼﻴﺰﻳﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﺩ. ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺴﺖ .ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ،ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ. ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ .ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ .ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﻢ: ﭘﻮﻝ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ..ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﭙﻮﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟ ..ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺴﺖ .ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻴﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﻳﺪ ،ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ .ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ :ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟!.. ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ؟ ..ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺴﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟.. ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ :ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ،ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺰﺩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ،ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻤﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ،ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ،ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟! ..ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺑﺰﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ؟!.. ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟!.. ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ :ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ؟ ..ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺑﺰﻩ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ؟! ..ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﻛﺴﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟! ..ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ؟! ..ﺩﻭﻡ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ .ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ. ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ؟!.. ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ .ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﮕﻔﺘﻪ
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﺑﻲﻫﺎﻳﻬﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻤﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﻡ :ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. ﭼﻴﺰﻳﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ .ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻤﻴﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ :ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻜﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﭼﻴﺰﻳﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻢ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ .ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻡ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ـ ﺯﻳﻨﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ،ﻣﺰﻳﻦ
ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ـ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ
ﺁﮔﻨﺪﻩ ـ ﭘﺮ
ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ـ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ
ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ـ ﺻﺪﺍ
ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ـ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ
ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ـ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ
ﺩﺳﺘﻴﻨﻪ ـ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀ
ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ـ ﻗﺼﺪ
ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ـ ﭼﺸﻢ ،ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﭽﺸﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ
ﺍﺭﺝ ـ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ
ﺑﻴﻨﺪ
ﺑﺎﻳﺎ ـ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ،ﻭﺍﺟﺐ
ﺩﻳﻪ ـ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ،ﺩﻩ
ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ـ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻨﺪﻩ ـ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ
ﺳﺘﺮﮒ ـ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ،ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺴﻢ
ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺪﻥ ـ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ،ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩ ـ ﻟﺠﺎﺟﺖ ،ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ
ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ـ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ
ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ـ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ
ﺑﻴﻜﺒﺎﺭ ؛ ﺑﻴﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ ـ ﻳﻜﺪﻓﻌﻪ ،ﺑﻜﻠﻲ
ﺳﺮﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ـ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ
ﺑﻴﻮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ
ﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ـ ﺷﺎﻳﺎ ،ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ
ﭘﺮﻭﺍ ـ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ،ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ
ﺷﺎﻳﻴﺪﻥ ـ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ
ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ـ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﺎ
ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ـ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ،ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ
ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻳﻪ ـ ﺯﻳﻨﺖ
ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ـ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ
ﺗﺮﺍﻭﻳﺪﻥ ـ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ
ﻛﺎﻥ ـ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ
ﺟﺮﺑﺰﻩ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ،ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﺭ
ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻦ ـ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻥ ،ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﭼﺴﺎﻥ ـ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ،ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ
ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ ـ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ،ﺷﻔﻴﻊ
ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ـ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ
ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ـ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ
ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ـ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ
ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ـ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ
ﭼﻴﺮﮔﻲ ـ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ،ﻏﻠﺒﻪ
ﻫﻤﭽﺸﻢ ـ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ
ﭼﻴﺮﻩ ـ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ،ﻏﺎﻟﺐ
ﻫﻤﭽﺸﻤﻲ ـ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ
ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ـ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ
ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ /ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ
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ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ـ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﻣﺮﺍﺑﺤﻪ ـ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ،ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ
ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ـ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺪﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ
ﻣﻀﺎﻳﻘﻪ ـ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ
ﻣﻔﻮﺽ ـ ﻭﺍﮔﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ،ﻭﺍﮔﺰﺍﺭﺩﻥ
ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ
ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ ـ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ
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ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺕ ـ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ،ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ
ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ـ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ،ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ
ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ـ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ،ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ
ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻥ ـ ﺳﺴﺖ ،ﺿﻌﻴﻒ
ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲ ـ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ،ﺣﺎﻣﻲ
ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓ ـ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ،ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ
ﭘﻴﺲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ـ ﺗﻜﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ
ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ
ﺗﺒﺮﻱ ـ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻱ
ﻫﺠﻮ ـ ﺑﺪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ،ﺯﺷﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ
ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ـ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ،ﺩﻳﺪﻥ
ﻭﻫﻦ ـ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ،ﺿﻌﻒ ،ﺳﺴﺘﻲ
ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ـ ﺭﻭﺵ ،ﻃﺮﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ
ﻭﻫﻦ ﺁﻭﺭ ـ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ
ﺳﻔﻠﻪ ـ ﭘﺴﺖ ،ﻓﺮﻭﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻟﻴﺪﺭ ـ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ