Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
ScienceDirect Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
Urban Transitions Conference, Shanghai, September 2016
Infrastructure as a Catalyst for the Prosperity of African Cities Ben Arimah* United Nations Human Settlements Programme(UN-Habitat), P.O.Box 30030, Nairobi 00100, Kenya
Abstract Improved infrastructure can deliver major benefits capable of achieving the Sustainable Development Goal to make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable. Despite the importance of infrastructure in the functioning of African cities, there are few attempts at investigating its contribution from a city perspective. This paper investigates how the provision of infrastructure contributes to the prosperity of African cities, using Expert Opinion Survey from a diverse selection of cities. Trends in three components of infrastructure — water supply, road network and telecommunications are examined. Serious water shortage characterizes 79% of the African cities in the study. However, cities such as Gaborone and Algiers located in arid regions of Africa are better able to meet their water supply needs largely due to effective water governance and management. The dysfunctional nature of roads in African cities poses a major challenge to the prosperity of these cities. Compared to other components of infrastructure, telecommunications is ranked as the most developed form infrastructure in African cities. This is attributed to the spectacular growth in the mobile phone industry over the last one and half decades. The mobile phone industry acts a catalyst for growth in African cities. Further analysis of the Expert Opinion Survey shows that if developed and effectively managed, infrastructure can contribute to the prosperity of African cities by: driving economic growth; facilitating urban mobility; ensuring greater access to health and education; enhancing safety and security; guiding urban growth; enhancing environmental quality; improving slums conditions; and reducing intra-urban disparities. © Published by Elsevier Ltd. This ©2017 2017The TheAuthors. Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer-review under responsibility of the organizing committee ofUrban the Urban Transitions Conference. Peer-review under responsibility of the organizing committee of the Transitions Conference Keywords: Infrastructure; Prosperity; Catalyst; African cities; Expert Opinion Survey
* Corresponding author. Tel.: +254-20-7623055 E-mail address:
[email protected]
1877-7058 © 2017 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer-review under responsibility of the organizing committee of the Urban Transitions Conference
doi:10.1016/j.proeng.2017.07.159
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
246
1. Introduction Infrastructure is crucial for the development, functioning and prosperity of cities. It provides the underlying foundation for cities to thrive. Adequate infrastructure— in terms of improved water and sanitation, reliable and sufficient power supply, efficient transport networks and modern information and communications technology— contributes to the sustainability and economic growth of urban areas, promotes the competitiveness of local businesses, enhances the investment climate in of the city, improves the productivity of workers, and contributes to the overall attractiveness of the city. Physical infrastructure such as road network, power and communication facilities all enhance urban mobility, which is essential for economic growth and poverty reduction. Good infrastructure is vital in making firms more productive and competitive internationally and critical to the ability of countries and cities to reap the benefits of globalization as it is central to the behind the border agenda (Fay and Morrison, 2005). The growth and hence prosperity of African cities will depend on the extent to which infrastructure is adequately provided, upgraded and maintained. Long-run growth requires an efficient system of urban centres producing industrial goods and high-value services, together with well-functioning transportation networks that can link national economies with regional and global markets (Foster and Briceno-Garmendia, 2010). The cities that have been most successful in attracting investment and increasing their competitiveness in a highly globalized world are those that have vastly improved the range and quality of their infrastructure. Conversely, poor infrastructure is a major impediment to growth, poverty reduction and improved standards of living. Inadequate water and sanitation facilities will lead to deterioration of the urban environment. Deficient infrastructure can drive up the cost of doing business in urban areas and reduce firm productivity by as much as 40% (Escribano, et. al, 2008). We are reminded that the negative effects of deficient infrastructure can be as large as those of crime, bureaucracy, corruption and financial market constraints (Foster and Briceno-Garmendia, 2010). African cities that fail to provide to adequate infrastructure will be adversely affected on many fronts; they are less likely to be prosperous and sustainable in terms of balancing economic and social development, and environmental protection (Choguill, 1996). Indeed, it will be difficult to see how African countries can achieve Goal 11 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to: ‘‘Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable’’ (United Nations, 2015) if infrastructure is not adequately provided. Rural-urban linkages in many African countries are hampered in part by deficient transport networks, poor electricity, and limited or non-existent coverage of information and communications technology. Since urban and rural development are interdependent, improved infrastructure can be instrumental in increasing rural productivity and facilitating access to markets; and in the process, promote economic integration of urban and rural areas as a basis for achieving inclusive growth and shared prosperity in both urban and rural areas. This has been witnessed in the Asia-Pacific region where improvements in transport and communication have brought urban and rural areas much closer together (Yap, 2002). Despite the importance of urban infrastructure, there is a clear under-investment in most African cities as characterized by the backlog and state of deficient infrastructure. The global economic crisis and sluggish economic growth have created a precarious situation for cities worldwide where less funding is available for both new infrastructure and maintaining the current stock. In the US for instance, Community Block Grants from the Federal Government to cities were slashed by a quarter in 2008 (Copper, 2010). In the case of African countries— where there is often a mismatch between the infrastructure requirements of fast-growing cities and the ability of city authorities to provide the requisite financial resources— further cuts in infrastructure spending have exacerbated the problem of urban livability and have left cities in a state of dilapidation through the proliferation of slums and informal settlements, unsanitary environmental conditions, inadequate water and electricity supply and traffic congestion among others. In order to avoid such a situation, African cities will need to invest in infrastructure as a means of achieving inclusive growth and sustainable urbanization. It is important that infrastructure is provided to anticipate the rapid growth and expansion of cities, and also within the context of the role that infrastructure can play in driving the prosperity of cities. Most attempts at investigating the impact or contribution of infrastructure in Africa have been at the cross-country level (Calderón, 2008; Escribano et. al 2010; Calderón, and Servén, 2008; Estache and Woden, 2010); with very few attempts at the city level. Yet, the effects of improved infrastructure are readily felt in urban areas, especially those
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
characterized by deficient infrastructure, incubating giant slums and environmental degradation (Chang and Svekia, 2002). Additionally, the relatively few attempts at investigating the impacts of urban infrastructure from a cross-city or comparative perspective add significance to this study. This paper investigates examine how infrastructure contributes to the prosperity of Africa cities, using the UNHabitat Expert Opinion Survey, which covers a diverse selection of urban areas. In particular, this study seeks to identify how the provision of infrastructure with respect to improved water supply, road network and information and communications technology can contribute to making African cities more prosperous in terms of: increased productivity; facilitating mobility; enhancing access to health and education; improving the quality of life; guiding urban growth; enhancing environmental sustainability; improving slum conditions and reducing poverty; as well as reducing spatial disparities. The rest of the paper is organized as follows. Following this introduction, a conceptualization of the prosperity of cities is undertaken to contextualize the analysis. The third section discusses the research methodology, focusing on the Expert Opinion Survey used for data gathering from which pertinent trends in urban infrastructure across various African cities are presented. This is followed by an analysis and discussion of how local experts perceive the contribution of infrastructure to the prosperity of African cities. Finally, some of the policy implications emanating from the paper are discussed. 2. Conceptualizing the Prosperity of Cities Prosperity implies success, wealth, thriving conditions, wellbeing or good fortune. When applied to cities, a key question that arises is: what are the essential conditions and elements that are required for a city to thrive, or for an urban area to be described as successful, or for the wellbeing of its citizens? Put differently, what are the manifestations or outcomes of a prosperous city? Taking a critical look at this question, several elements come to mind. First, a prosperous city should be productive and have an economy capable of contributing to growth, generating income, and providing employment in order to allow its citizens to earn a decent income and to enjoy a certain standard of living in order meet their various needs. Urban areas by virtue of their unique characteristics are crucial for national development. Most of a country’s wealth is created in its cities, hence the maxim that: cities are the engines of economic growth and development. Cities account for about 80% of global GDP (World Bank, 2015). Creating and nurturing employment can play a major role in resolving the multidimensional problems confronting cities, and unemployment is a major concern particularly as urbanization intensifies, requiring the need to generate sufficient economic growth to provide jobs for the rapidly growing labour force (Glaeser, 1998). Second, a prosperous city should have the necessary infrastructure, including adequate water, sanitation, power supply, roads, information and communications technology to sustain urban living and productivity. The implication being that the prosperity of cities will depend, not only the extent to which infrastructure is adequately provided, upgraded and maintained, but also on the equality of access by urban citizens (Sen, 1983). Furthermore, the provision of adequate infrastructure can reduce the health burden suffered by low-income groups and enhance environmental quality (Tzoulas, 2007). Third, prosperous cities should provide the necessary social services— education, health, recreation, safety and security in order to improve the quality of life of their citizens and enable them to attain their full potential by developing their intellectual capacity and ability to lead full, productive, healthy, and fulfilling lives. Quality of life can be viewed from the perceptive of access to public spaces and enhanced safety and security. When a city invests in public spaces it is promoting collective values, community cohesion, resilience, and civic identity (Chiesura, 2004). Fourth, a prosperous city should be equitable and socially inclusive, guaranteeing equality of access and outcome of urban opportunities. Functional and accessible infrastructure can bridge urban inequality and alleviate poverty (Ogun, 2010; Lopez, 2003; Grant, 2010). A prosperous city should seek to enhance gender equality, protect the rights of minority and vulnerable groups, and ensure civic participation by all in the social, political and cultural spheres. The failure of cities to fully integrate excluded groups into their decision-making process creates and reinforces inequality and exclusion. With few exceptions, income inequality across the world has been increasing.
247
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
248
Closely associated with income inequality are key exclusionary factors which pertain to unequal access to employment, education, healthcare and basic infrastructure (Moser et. al, 2005). The benefits associated with prosperous cities should be equitably distributed. The search for equity is not only fundamental to poverty reduction and inclusion, it is also underpins progress and development (Jones, 2009). Finally, the process by which cities create and distribute prosperity should not destroy the environment, but should seek to protect the environment and contribute to the goals of sustainable urbanization. Prosperity cities and environmental sustainability should be mutually reinforcing. Environmentally sustainable cities are able to strike a balance between economic growth and the environment, and facilitate prosperity and resilience in the process (UNHabitat, 2011a). Environmental sustainability and its long-term relationship with the prosperity of cities are crucial. This is due to the close dependence of urban areas on environmental resources such as water, food forestry, building materials, open spaces etc. A key feature of environmental sustainability is that it limits the consumption of nonrenewable resources and encourages low carbon investment. Based on the foregoing, the following five dimensions of a prosperous city can be identified:
Productivity; Infrastructure development; Quality of life; Equity and social inclusion; and Environmental sustainability.
These five dimensions which can be regarded as the spokes of the wheel of urban prosperity are graphically illustrated in Fig. 1. The spokes provide the basis for defining what constitutes a prosperous city. In most cases, the spokes interact and influence each other through various policy-driven linkages along the periphery or outer rim (UN-Habitat, 2012). For instance, as a city develops its infrastructure, it will also enhance productivity and economic growth, which in turn will lead to improved standards of living. Similarly, when a city pursues pro-poor and egalitarian policies, this will also improve the quality of life and productivity, as well as enhance environmental sustainability. Interactions between the spokes can also occur at the centre of the wheel, where they are more policydetermined. In an ideal situation, these five domains of prosperity should be interrelated. However, these linkages do not occur automatically. The interrelatedness of the five dimensions of prosperity is in part facilitated by policy, planning and efficient institutions. This in part involves prioritization of actions, selection of interventions through appropriate decisions, and monitoring activities. This strategic synchronization of actions contributes to improving the long-term economic, social and environmental health of the city (Wheeler, 2008; UN-Habitat, 2009).
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
Fig. 1.the wheel of urban prosperity Source: UN-Habitat (2013, p.12)
3. Research Methodology: UN-Habitat Expert Opinion Survey The choice of a research methodology can be influenced by several factors, and prominent amongst these are the research question under investigation, and the researcher’s assumptions and philosophical positioning on the nature of social reality— ontology (Blaikie, 2000), and how knowledge is acquired – epistemology (Hesse-Biber and Leavy, 2004). The ontological and epistemological perspectives of the researcher will guide the choice of the research methodology and define the various steps taken to reconcile the research objectives and questions (Saunders, et. al. 2007). Indeed, it is emphasized that research activities should begin with the researcher examining his/her ontological and epistemological positioning on reality, the purpose of research, and the type of knowledge (Merriman, 1998; Creswell, 2003). Ontologically, we hold the view that while social reality may exist, it is neither singular nor linear or patterned, indicating a world view of a socially constructed reality influenced largely by human interactions, such as experience and culture, explaining reality subjectively (Krauss, 2005; Lincoln and Guba 2000). This explains the use of a qualitative research methodology. Among the various qualitative methods, the Expert Opinion Survey is chosen for its flexibility and adaptability (Thelma, 1998, Martin et .al, 2005).
249
250
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
The database for this study comes mainly from the Expert Opinion Survey conducted as part of the data collection process for the State of the World’s Cities 2012/2013: Prosperity of Cities. The survey was conducted in conjunction with partner institutions in 50 cities across Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Arab States, with 739 local experts participating. This paper focuses on the 14 African cities covering 209 local experts. The survey was designed to elicit information on the five dimensions of the prosperity of cites and the extant urban policy environment from local experts believed to be knowledgeable about various aspects of the urban context in their respective cities. The survey took place between January and April 2011. The selection of cities covered in the survey reflects the diversity characterizing the system of cities across the various regions. In each city, between 10 and 25 local experts were constituted into expert groups for the purpose of individually completing the Expert Opinion Survey. The experts were drawn from the public and private sectors, community associations, non-governmental and other civil society groups, and the media. They include urban planners, city officials, researchers, lawyers, social workers, and private business people who are believed to be sufficiently knowledgeable and are able to make expert judgment on the prosperity of cities and the urban policy environment. The questionnaire covered the dimensions of prosperity, including the local, institutional and organizational capacities associated with the creation and distribution of prosperity. Prior to completing the questionnaire, each group prepared a background paper on the context, situation, policies and impacts of the five dimensions of urban prosperity. This was presented and discussed at the expert group meeting so that the local experts could have a shared and understanding of prosperity and its various components in their respective cities. Thereafter, the experts individually completed the questionnaires. Most of the questions in the survey required that the experts evaluate on a scale of 1 to 5, the different aspects of prosperity, as well as the urban policy environment in their respective cities; with one representing the worst possible situation, and five the best. The Expert Opinion Survey has been described as a one-of-a-kind tool for capturing timely and vital information that is not available (World Economic Forum, 2010). A major advantage of the Expert Opinion Survey is that it is an inexpensive way of obtaining information on urban conditions and policy directions. Second, the method is able to capitalize on the knowledge of local experts who are conversant with the urban policy context of their respective cities. However, the Expert Opinion Survey has several limitations. First, the results might not be representative of the entire city, given that this is a survey of experts and not of the population. Second, in some cities, the sample of local experts might not be adequate in terms of their expertise on all the five dimensions of prosperity. Given these limitations, the Expert Opinion Survey is complemented with data obtained from the background papers prepared for each city, from World Bank and UN sources, as well as city-based data obtained from UN-Habitat’s Global Urban Observatory.
4. Trends in the Provision of Urban Infrastructure in Africa 4.1. Regional Comparisons The provision of urban infrastructure varies across regions (Fig. 2). Africa has the lowest levels of infrastructure— where 87% and 40% of the urban population have improved water and sanitation respectively; 72% of the urban population has electricity; 16% of all roads are paved; one in 100 inhabitants has fixed telephone lines as against 71 in 100 inhabitants for mobile phones. The ranking of the components of infrastructure– both in terms of quality and relative development by experts in the UN-Habitat Survey confirms the relatively low levels of infrastructure in African cities. For instance, traffic congestion, poor facilities for pedestrians, power outage and shortage of potable water supply are highly ranked by the experts in African cities (Table 1). Differences in infrastructure across the various regions have implications for the prosperity of cities. They reflect a variety of factors, which include levels of income or development, economic growth, pace of urbanization, physical features, and investment in infrastructure as a means of achieving accelerated economic growth. In Africa, infrastructure spending is estimated at $45 billion per year or between 5-6% of GDP (Foster and Briceno-Garmendia, 2010). This contrasts with the experience of East Asian countries. In particular, China has pursued a conscious strategy of infrastructure led-growth since the 1990s; investment in infrastructure increased
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
251
from 5.7% of GDP in 1998 to 14.4% in 2006 (Lall, et. al, 2010). During the same period, India increased infrastructure spending from 4.1% to 5.6%. The ranking of infrastructure in Fig. 3 reveals some interesting patterns across the regions. The least developed components of urban infrastructure relate to recreation, sanitation and urban transport, while the most developed is telecommunications, which witnessed remarkable growth over the last two decades. All these have implications for the prosperity of African cities. Tables 1 and 2 show that there are remarkable differences across cities in the perception of the local experts regarding the coverage and quality of urban infrastructure. These differences are discussed with respect to water supply, road network and information and communications technology. 100
Percentage of urban population with improved water, 2015
90
Percentage of urban population with improved sanitation, 2015
80
Percentage of urban population with access electricity, 2012
70 60
Paved roads as a percentage of roads, 2011
50 40
Fixed telephone subscriptions per 100 inhabitants, 2014
30
Mobile cellular subscriptions per 100 inhabitants, 2014
20
Internet users per 100 inhabitants, 2014
10
Broadband (fixed) subscriptions per 100 inhabitants, 2014
0 Sub-Saharan Africa
Middle East & North Africa
South Asia
Latin America & Caribbean
Source:Based on UNICEF/WHO (2015), World Bank,World Development Indicators database (2016)
Fig. 2. Infrastructure coverage in Africa vis-a-vis other regions Table 1. Quality of infrastructure in selected African cities* City
Quality of infrastructure (percent) Traffic congestion
Poor facilities for pedestrians
Power outage
Shortage of potable water
Leaking sewers
Flooding
Slow internet connection
Shortage of cooking gas
Ranking of telecommunications
Accra
100
70.6
94.1
94.1
70.6
100
93.8
76.5
94.1
Addis Ababa
100
93.3
86.7
93.3
100
46.7
93.3
86.7
93.3
Alexandria
100
88.9
38.9
55.6
72.2
100
66.7
55.6
94.4
Algiers
100
93.3
40.0
6.7
64.3
66.7
66.7
100
93.3
Beira
72.7
78.6
76.9
31.3
46.2
85.7
69.2
42.9
83.3
Dar es Salaam
100
100
100
100
100
86.7
92.9
86.7
73.3
Gaborone
100
100
94.1
5.9
64.7
82.4
82.4
6.3
82.4
Ibadan
86.7
80
100
100
60.0
66.7
71.4
73.3
73.3
Johannesburg
100
100
87.5
75.0
87.5
100
100
62.5
87.5
Lagos
100
100
100
86.7
71.4
100
71.4
50.0
85.7
Luanda
100
78.6
100
82.4
100
92.3
92.9
71.4
57.1
Lusaka
100
93.3
100
86.7
100
100
92.9
61.5
93.3
Nairobi
100
100
100
91.7
100
90.9
72.7
100
83.3
Praia
100
78.6
100
55.6
92.9
71.4
71.4
14.3
78.6
All cities
96.0
89.2
86.1
73.3
80.0
75.7
80.6
55.6
84.9
*As perceived by local experts Source: UN-Habitat, Expert Opinion Survey, 2011
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
252
Ranking <1 least developed to 5 most developed>
5 Transport infrastructure
4
Water
3
Electricity 2 Sanitation 1
Telecommunications
0
Recreation Africa
Asia
LAC
Arab States
All regions
Source: UN-Habitat, City Monitoring Branch, Policy Survey, 2011
Fig. 3. Ranking of urban infrastructure Table 2. Some features of infrastructure in selected African cities* Cities
Features of urban infrastructure (%) Up-to-date information on current infrastructure base
Prioritizing infrastructure as part of long-term economic development
Current infrastructure base is adequate to support productive activities
Effective coordination in the provision of infrastructure between different levels of government
Relevant institutions have the capacity to provide infrastructure
Involvement of beneficiary communities in the design and provision of infrastructure
Current infrastructure takes into consideration the needs of women
Existence of citywide waste collection system
Systematic maintenance of infrastructure
Accra
26.7
71.4
18.8
37.5
33.3
25
7.1
64.7
0
Addis Ababa
60.0
86.7
23.1
53.3
46.7
26.7
13.3
80.0
20.0
Alexandria
29.4
55.6
37.5
16.7
33.3
22.2
11.1
27.8
29.4
Algiers
20.0
80.0
53.3
26.7
60.0
0
13.3
100
20.0
Beira
76.9
76.9
68.8
18.8
33.3
66.7
30.8
86.7
45.5
Dar es Salaam
50.0
76.9
6.7
26.7
26.7
33.3
0
35.7
6.7
Gaborone
31.3
52.9
29.4
25.0
23.5
5.9
0
70.6
25.0
Ibadan
14.3
21.4
0
6.7
26.7
13.3
0
33.3
6.7
Johannesburg
50.0
87.5
50.0
62.5
50.0
37.5
37.5
0
62.5
Lagos
35.7
66.7
0
0
40.0
0
0
73.3
28.6
Luanda
50.0
71.4
7.7
42.9
35.7
14.3
7.1
42.9
7.1
Lusaka
66.7
60.0
20.0
35.7
26.7
42.9
6.7
42.9
6.7
Nairobi
36.4
72.7
0
9.1
18.2
9.1
8.3
18.2
0
Praia
69.2
69.2
21.4
28.6
21.4
7.7
7.1
64.3
21.4
All cities
43.2
66.7
24.2
26.7
33.7
20.2
8.6
59.4
18.5
*As perceived by local experts Source: UN-Habitat, Expert Opinion Survey, 2011
4.2. Water Supply in African Cities Adequate water supply is essential for achieving environmental sustainability, improving the quality of life of the poor, and achieving many of the SDGs. Access to clean water has the effect reducing morbidity and mortality and improving the productive capacity of the poor. No city can claim to be prosperous if it is unable to supply its
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
residents with clean water in sufficient quantities. A large majority of African cities experience regular water shortage†. Table 1 reveals that 11 of the 14 African cities (79%) are associated with serious problems water shortage. The worst affected cities are Ibadan and Dar es Salaam, where all experts (100%) reckon that both cities face water supply problems. Closely followed are Accra, Addis Ababa Luanda, Lusaka, Lagos and Nairobi where between 82% and 94% of the local experts believed that these cities suffer serious water shortages. The foregoing is a clear indication that water scarcity characterizes African cities despite statistics presented by WHO/UNICEF which that show that 87% of the urban population in Sub-Saharan Africa has improved water supply (Fig. 2). This is also echoed by the Global Urban Indicators Database (UN-Habitat, 2010) which shows that in Accra, Lagos, Nairobi and Lusaka, between 78% and 98% of the population have improved water. Yet, these same cities are perceived by an overwhelming majority of local experts as experiencing water shortage. This perhaps demonstrates the importance of expert opinion survey as a source of current data and information. Gaborone and Algiers are perceived to have to lowest levels of water shortages as indicated by 5.9 and 6.7% of the respective experts in both cities. The differences in water shortage across cities can in part be attributed to differences in water governance‡ and in the ability of the relevant water agencies to supply water in sufficient quantity and quality. For instance, in the case of Ibadan, the Oyo State Water Corporation, which is meant to serve the city, exists only in name. The usual practice is for households especially on the outskirts and newly developing areas of the city to sink wells. Households that are unable to afford this, depend on several public and private sources many of which may be contaminated. In the case of Dar es Salaam, the city’s water agency— Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Corporation— is only able to meet 20% of the city’s demand of 410 million litres a day (Kyessi, 2005). Consequently, rationing is practiced, and many areas go without water for several days. Affluent neighbourhoods such Oysterbay, Masaki, and Kimara receive water about five times a week for a few hours, while poor neigbourhoods such as Sinza and Manzese get water just once a week (Jumanne, (2001). Despite having a semi-arid climate and located in a water-scare country, Gaborone experiences the lowest levels of water shortage as perceived by 5.9% the local experts. This is partly because the city’s water agency (Water Utilities Corporation) through reforms focusing initially on developing additional water supplies, and more recently on the adoption of water conservation measures is able to meet the city’s water demand which is in excess of 20 million cubic metres per annum (Toteng, 2008). Similarly, Algiers is a drought-stricken city, but in recent years, has overcome the problem of chronic scarcity of water through several water management initiatives (General Electric Power and Water, 2010). First, the Algerian government invested massively in new dams as a means of improving its rain catchment capabilities. Second, the City of Algiers embarked on an extensive rehabilitation of its aging and leaky water distribution system. This reduced water losses from 40% to less than 25%. Third, given the limited sources of surface and ground water, the Hamma Seawater Desalination Plant was completed in 2008 as sustainable long-term solution to the problem of water shortage. This plant is the largest in Africa and has the capacity to handle 53 million gallons of seawater a day. All these have significantly alleviated water scarcity in Algiers, thus contributing to the prosperity of the city. 4.3. Road Infrastructure in African Cities The road network of any city ranks amongst its most prized assets; it facilitates the movement of people and goods, and guides the growth of cities. Roads form the basis for providing trunk infrastructure for access, water, sanitation power supply and telecommunications. Roads also contribute to the sustainability and prosperity of the
† “Water governance is defined by the political, social, economic and administrative systems that are in place, and which directly or indirectly affect the use, development and management of water resources and the delivery of water service delivery at different levels of society”. UNDP (2012) ‡ “Water governance is defined by the political, social, economic and administrative systems that are in place, and which directly or indirectly affect the use, development and management of water resources and the delivery of water service delivery at different levels of society”. UNDP (2012)
253
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
254
city. Traffic congestion and poor facilities for pedestrians are the most pervasive transport problems affecting African cities. Table 1 shows that 96% of experts across African cities are of the view that traffic congestion is the main infrastructure deficiency plaguing urban areas. Traffic congestion is brought about by rapid increase in travel demand, especially of motorized travel, in relation to a much slower growth in transport infrastructure (Pucher, et. al, 2007). In African cities, traffic congestion is largely due to the poor state of road infrastructure and the absence of a viable public transport system. The costs of traffic congestion are staggering: in Mauritius, traffic congestion in St Louis and other cities costs the economy about 1.3% of GDP each year (African Economic Outlook, 2011); in Nairobi, the cost of congestion in terms of lost productivity, fuel consumption and pollution has been put at over US$600,000 a day (Curnow and Kermeliotis, 2012). In South Africa, traffic congestion on the N1 Freeway between Johannesburg and Pretoria, which carries more than 157,000 vehicles per day, is estimated to cost more than US$ 35 million per year (Guatrain, 2012). The long time spent in traffic also translates into situations that deteriorate quality of life and reduce opportunities. This is in addition to deteriorating air quality, traffic accidents, increased fuel consumption and the emission of greenhouse gases. Despite accounting for 90% of passenger traffic and 80% of freight (UNECA, 2009), roads in many African cities are underdeveloped and in deplorable condition. A major problem with roads in African cities is their poor maintenance. Table 2 confirms the fact that only 18.5% of experts across African cities are of the view that infrastructure is systematically maintained. Apart from Johannesburg and Algiers where 63% and 46% of experts respectively believe that infrastructure is adequately maintained, experts from other cities reckon that the maintenance of infrastructure is abysmal. This is more pronounced in Accra, Dar es Salaam, Ibadan, Nairobi, Lusaka, and Luanda, where less than 10% of the local experts believe that systematic maintenance of infrastructure is taking place. Apart from the problems of limited financial capacity and competing demands, corruption places huge constraints on proper maintenance of infrastructure, particularly in the case of roads, where rent seeking behaviour is very common. It has been observed that in extreme cases, the maintenance of road network may deliberately be neglected so that it rapidly falls into disrepair to the point where it has to be rebuilt, thereby providing the opportunity for highly placed officials to extract bribes or commissions from contractors that will rebuild the road (Tanzi, 1998; Arimah, 2005). Table 3. Characteristics of the road network for selected African cities City Length of road Length of paved network (km) road network (km)
Paved roads as % of roads
Paved road density (meters per 1,000 pop)
Paved road density (km per km2)
Abidjan
2042
1205
59
346
2.1
Accra
1899
950
50
339
2.8
Addis Ababa
–
400
–
129
0.7
Bamako
836
201
24
167
0.8
Conakry
815
261
32
174
2.3
Dar es Salaam
1140
445
39
122
0.2
Douala
1800
450
25
237
2.4
Kigali
610
451
74
225
0.5
Kampala
984
118
12
170
0.2
Kinshasa
5000
500
10
63
0.1
Lagos
–
6000
–
400
1.7
Lusaka
2500
700
28
500
1.9
Ouagadougou
1827
201
11
185
0.4
Average
–
–
33
318
1.7
Source: Kumar and Barrett (2008, p.24); figures for Lusaka were obtained from Hampwaye and Nchito (2011)
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
In most African cities, roads account for less than 7% of the land area, compared to 25-30% in developed cities (Kumar and Barrett, 2008). Table 3 shows that only one-third of the roads in African cities are paved. In cities such as Kinshasa, Kampala and Ouagadougou paved roads account for less than 12% of all roads, and exceeds 50% only in Abidjan, Accra and Kigali. Paved road density for African cities averages 318 metres per 1000 persons, with cities such as Addis Ababa, Bamako, Conakry, Dar es Salaam, Kampala and Kinshasa having values much lower. To put this into perspective, the average paved road density for other developing cities is 1000 metres per 1000 persons (Kumar and Barrett, 2008). In many African cities, road network has barely kept pace with urban growth. In Douala for instance, the road network has remained unchanged for the past 20 years despite the doubling of population, increase in vehicles and urban sprawl; effectively, this means that the city’s road density has declined (Kumar, 2011). All these imply that the road network in African cities is grossly inadequate. Such poor road conditions impede vehicle speed, undermine the productivity of bus fleet, and increase the cost of maintenance (Kumar and Barrett, 2008). Road infrastructure in African cities barely takes into consideration the needs of pedestrians. Consequently, sidewalks, overhead bridges, pedestrian crossings, and pedestrian traffic signals are often lacking despite that fact that walking accounts for over 60-70% of all trips in cities such as Conakry, Douala, and Kinshasa (Kumar and Barrett, 2008). This observation is confirmed in Table 1, which shows that 89% of local experts across African cities believe that facilities for pedestrians are grossly deficient— with the worst performing cities being Dar es Salaam, Gaborone, Johannesburg, Lagos, Nairobi, Lusaka, Algiers and Addis Ababa. Where facilities for pedestrians exist, they are often in a poor state and are taken over by garbage and adjoining properties. It therefore comes as no surprise that pedestrians account for two-thirds of all fatalities in African cities (Kumar and Barrett, 2008). The dysfunctional nature of road infrastructure in African cities poses a major challenge to mobility and prosperity. A notable feature of the transport system in many African cities is its highly fragmented nature and the virtual absence of public operated mass-transit. This is a reflection of the difficulty associated with operating stateowned bus companies profitably. Consequently, the private sector is the major provider of transport services, often in the form of secondhand mini and microbuses, shared taxis, and most recently commercial motorcycles and threewheelers. In 2007, Lagos had over 100,000 minibuses and 200,000 commercial motorcycles directly employing 500,000 people (Kumar, 2011). While such vehicles are able to weave through traffic better than large buses, travel on poor roads, and are largely responding to demand, they are not efficient as a means of mass transit, and are often prone to accidents. Besides they contribute to air pollution and severe congestion especially during peak periods. Some African cities have taken innovative steps to deal with the problem of traffic congestion. This can be illustrated with examples from Lagos and Johannesburg. The Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority introduced the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) in March 2008. Being the first of its kind in Sub-Saharan Africa, the Lagos BRT is a commuter-oriented transit system that delivers fast, comfortable and cost-effective urban mobility. The World Bank is an investor in the project having provided a loan facility of $100 million and technical assistance (World Bank, n.d). With a fleet of 220 buses, the BRT operates on dedicated lanes, thus making it possible for buses move faster where there is traffic congestion. The Lagos BRT covers a 22-km corridor and operates 16 hours a day between 6am and 10pm, and in the process, transporting over 200,000 passengers daily— thereby exceeding expected usage by 100% (LAMATA, n.d). In July 2010, Gauteng Province in South Africa launched the Gautrain, which is a state-of-the-art, 80-km mass rapid transit railway. Built at a cost of $3.8 billion, Gautrain is Africa’s first high–speed urban train, which links the O.R. Tambo International Airport, Johannesburg and Pretoria. The Gautrain aims to reduce road congestion especially along the Johannesburg-Pretoria corridor, promote economic development and provide alternative means of transport for ordinary South Africans (Railway-technology.com, n.d) The first phase of the project commenced operations on July 8, 2010— three days before the FIFA World Cup with the service between Sandton Station and the O.R. Tambo International Airport. Operations on the second phase of the Gautrain linking Johannesburg and Pretoria commenced in August 2011. The Gautrain takes less than 30 minutes to cover the distance of 54 km between both cities; which by car, it could take up to two hours.
255
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
256
4.4. Information and Communications Technology in African Cities Over the last one and half decades, the growth in ICT in Africa has been phenomenal. Using mobile telephony as a reference point, the total number of mobile subscriptions increased from just 26 million in 2001 to 620 million in 2011; thus resulting in an increase in mobile population penetration from 3.1% to 62.6% (GSM Association, 2011). By 2013, mobile phone penetration had reached 79.3% of the African population (World Bank, 2015) thus, implying 896 million subscribers. It therefore comes as no surprise that 85% of local experts across African cities rank telecommunications infrastructure as highly developed or developed. This ranking obviously reflects the spectacular growth of the ICT sector, particularly the mobile phone industry across the region. Telecommunications is deemed to be highly-developed or developed in Accra, Addis Ababa, Alexandria, Algiers, Lusaka, Johannesburg, and Lagos by between 85 and 94% of the experts in these cities. No other form of infrastructure in Africa has witnessed such meteoric growth. Africa has the fastest growth of mobile phone subscription in the world, and has overtaken Latin America to become the second largest mobile phone market after Asia (GSM Association, 2011). Fig. 4 shows that the ownership of mobile phones across African cities is high— as over 90% of all households own mobile phones. In all cities, the use of mobile phones surpasses fixed lines. In cities such as Brazzaville, Conakry, Ibadan, Lagos, Kampala and Kinshasa there are as many as 44 households owning mobile phones than fixed landlines. Even in cities where the ownership of mobile phones appears to be low, it hardly falls below 70%. This shows that mobile phones have effectively leapfrogged fixed landlines in Africa when compared with developed regions that invested in landlines before moving to mobile networks (Aker and Mbiti, 2010). This is not surprising, given the prohibitively expensive nature of infrastructure for landlines in many African countries, and the bureaucracy associated with obtaining fixed lines vis-à-vis the inexpensive nature and ease of acquiring mobile phones. As one analyst pensively asks: “Why pay for the infrastructure of hard-wired landlines when a mobile phone can travel with you” (Amoako-Agyei, 2010). 100
80 70 60 50 40 30
Landline
20 10
Mobile
0
Abidjan (2011) Abuja (2013) Accra (2008) Addis Ababa (2010) Alexandria (2014) Antananarivo (2013) Bamako (2013) Banjul (2013) Brazaville (2009 Bunjumbura (2012) Cairo (2014) Conakry (2012) Cotonou (2011) Dakar (2010) Freetown (2008) Harare (2010) Ibadan (2013) Kampala (2011) Kigali (2011) Kinshasa (2013) Lagos (2013) Libreville (2012) Lilongwe (2013) Lome (2013) Lusaka (2013) Maputo (2011) Mbabane (2006 Mombasa (2008) Nairobi (2008) Niamey (2012) Ouagadougou (2010) Porto Novo (2011) Windhoek (2013) All Cities
Percantage of households with telephones
90
Source: UN-Habitat, Global Urban Observatory Database (2015)
Fig. 4. Telephone infrastructure in selected African cities
The factors explaining the rapid growth of mobile phone services in African cites include: the large population and density of urban areas, rapid economic growth and rising levels of income, which enhances affordability; liberalization of the telecommunications market; ambitious investment in mobile network infrastructure to expand geographic and population coverage; cost effective nature of prepaid services, which accounts for 96% of all subscriptions in Africa and allows consumers to take control of their spending on mobile services; low-cost handsets
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
and reduction in the cost of mobile phone services; and the limited nature of fixed landline infrastructure and service, which makes mobile phones the most important mode of communication (GSM Association, 2011). Major advances in wireless technology and liberalization of telecommunications markets have transformed businesses, and led to wealth creation and economic growth in many African countries with cities being the major beneficiaries. The ICT industry plays a major role in making African cities more connected, competitive, productive, attractive and prosperous. ICT facilitates innovation, enhances efficiency and ensures more effective service delivery by circumventing bureaucracy through e-business and e-governance (EIU, 2010). Indeed, mobile telephony is leading Africa’s telecommunications revolution (Amoako-Agyei, 2010). Apart from facilitating connectivity and communication, the mobile phone industry serves as a catalyst for growth. It is estimated that the mobile industry in Africa contributes $56 billion or 3.5% of the GDP to the regional economy per year (GSM Association, 2011). The mobile sector also provides employment for over 5 million Africans. Since city dwellers in Africa mainly use prepaid phones, mobile phone companies have created extensive phone credit distribution networks in partnership with the formal and informal sector; it is therefore common to find phone cards being sold in kiosks and by the roadside (Aker and Mbiti, 2010). The growth of mobile telephony in Africa has spurred many innovative applications with the most notable being mobile-banking. Currently, Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest number of mobile money deployments in the world with 130 of such services operating in 38 countries (GSMA, 2014). So rapid has been the growth of mobile banking to the extent that there are more mobile phone money accounts than bank accounts in Kenya, Madagascar, Tanzania and Uganda (Muya, 2014). Across Sub-Saharan Africa, one in every three mobile phone subscriptions is linked to a mobile money service (GSMA, 2016a). The most popular of this is M-Pesa, which has revolutionized money transfer in Kenya and served as the mechanism for delivering financial inclusion to the poor. Financial transaction via M-PESA is estimated to be equivalent to 20% the Kenya GDP World Bank (2010). Box 1 briefly describes how M-PESA provides pro-poor banking services. Box 1: When mobile phones provide pro-poor banking services M-Pesa is a mobile phone based service that facilitates financial transactions. With more than 22 million registered users (Safaricom, 2016) M-Pesa provides mobile banking services to over 70 per cent of the adult population (IMF, 2011). In particular, the network serves people in areas where established banks are a rarity. For example, Nairobi’s largest slum, Kibera hosts numerous M-Pesa outlets. A survey conducted at the initial years of the mobile money service found that 26 per cent of users saved money through the service (FSD Kenya and CBK, 2009). Moreover, the service has been reported to empower women, providing them with an unprecedented ability to store and manage their own monies (World Bank, 2010). Over time, MPESA has evolved from a purely money transfer system into a platform that facilitates payments (for government institutions, utility firms, non-governmental organizations, schools and hospitals) as well as allowing users to access credit. In 2010, M-Pesa created over 30,000 jobs (Vaughan, 2010) and currently there are over 90,000 agent outlets in operation. The network enables urban users to make remittances to family members in rural areas. In 2013, a survey in Kenya found that mobile money accounted for over 90% of domestic and nearly 30% of international remittances (FSD Kenya and CBK, 2013). In terms of money transfers, M-Pesa processes more transactions locally than Western Union does around the world (IMF, 2011). Currently, the average value of transactions through M-Pesa in a month stands at Kshs160 Billion (US$ 1.6 Billion) (Safaricom, 2016).
5. Contribution of Infrastructure to the Prosperity of African Cities While it is possible to identify specific ways by which infrastructure contributes to the prosperity of cities, these outcomes are interrelated and interact with one another in various ways. Besides, the contribution of infrastructure to prosperity in various cities is further mediated by the local context, and as such, its impact may vary across cities; infrastructure might contribute in a particular way in one city, and yet in a different way in another city. This is influenced by the capacity of cities to assimilate a given infrastructure type, which in turn hinges on the forward and backward linkages between the city and infrastructure types. It requires tacit knowledge to understand why and how a particular infrastructure contributes to the prosperity of cities; this where the perspective of local experts is most
257
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
258
appropriate. Fig. 5 provides a summary of the perspective of local experts on the contribution of infrastructure to the prosperity of their respective cities. 5.1. Economic Growth Infrastructure plays a crucial role in supporting economic growth. It also needs to be stated that economic growth can also promote infrastructure. Across all African cities, 79% of the local experts view economic growth as the most important contribution of infrastructure to the prosperity of cities (Fig. 5). The result of the Expert Opinion Survey echoes previous findings, albeit at the cross-country level show that infrastructure has a positive impact on aggregate output. In particular, Calderón, (2008) noted that across Africa, infrastructure contributed 99 basis points to per capita economic growth from 1990 and 2005, compared to 68 basis points for macroeconomic stabilization and structural policies. This assertion is supported by the work of Foster and Briceno-Garmendia (2010) that shows that infrastructure has been responsible for more than half of Africa’s recent improved growth performance. Further improvements in infrastructure will lead to greater economic growth as indicated by simulations provid ed by Calderón (2008) which imply that if all African countries were to improve their infrastructure to the level attained by Mauritius, then per capita growth would increase by 2.3 %. 100 Economic growth
90 80
Mobility
Percentage of local experts
70 60
Access to health & education
50
Quality of life
40 30
Urban growth
20 Environmental quality
10 0
Improving slum conditions Reducing disparities *As perceived by local experts Source: UN-Habitat, Expert Opinion Survey, 2011
Fig. 5. Contribution of infrastructure to the prosperity of African cities*
It is noteworthy that much of the contribution of infrastructure to Africa’s recent economic growth has been attributed to telecommunications and to a lesser extent— roads, while deficiencies in the power sector has militated against growth by reducing economic growth by 0.11% (Calderón, 2008). This is in line with the observation of 86% of all local experts who believe that African cities suffer from intractable power shortages. Box 2 clearly demonstrates how the deficient supply of electricity in Lagos has a crippling effect on the ability of the city to become more prosperous. Resolving the power supply problem plaguing many African cities is crucial for greater economic growth and ensuring more prosperous cities. A key message emanating from the experts opinion is that cities need adequate infrastructure to generate growth— in other words, without adequate and efficient infrastructure, the capacity of cities to generate growth will be severely limited. 5.2. Facilitating Urban Mobility Seamless movement within and between cities occasioned by efficient mass transit systems and an adequate network of transport infrastructure are essential for the proper functioning and prosperity of cities. This view is
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
confirmed by over three-quarters of the local experts across the various African cities. In cities such as Addis Ababa, Johannesburg, and Lagos, facilitating urban mobility is seen to be joint most important contribution that infrastructure makes to the prosperity of cities. Urban areas that have implemented sustainable transport policies to enhance mobility have reaped huge benefits capable of making them more prosperous in diverse ways. Box 2: Deficient power supply hinders the prosperity of Nigerian cities At night, Nigeria’s commercial capital, Lagos is a study in contrast. Half of the city’s homes are darkness. The other half lit by the city’s only reliable source of power— petrol and diesel generations. The situation in Lagos is a reflection of what is happening in other Nigerian cities. Privately-owned generators serve as alternatives to the sputtering state electricity firm— the Power Holding Company of Nigeria. Sustained power cuts run from days into weeks and in some areas into months. The Council for Renewable Energy estimates that the country loses $797million to power outages annually. An estimated 60 million Nigerians use generators of varying sizes. In 2011, average residential expenditure in fuelling power generators was about $13.35 billion per annum. The Nigerian Customs Service shows that private entities spend $8 billion to import generators each year. Experts have argued that the constellation of privately-owned diesel and petrol generators produces more electricity than all the state-owned plants. Electricity from the country’s generating plants in 2010 was about 2,500MW or 42% of total generating capacity. Years of neglect coupled with poor maintenance, corruption and bad governance have stripped the power plants’ capacity. The effect of Nigeria’s power crisis on its development is deleterious. Over the past two decades, the stalled expansion of Nigeria’s grid capacity, combined with the high cost of diesel and petrol generation, has crippled the growth of the country’s productive and commercial industries. If this situation were to persist, the cost by 2020 in terms of lost GDP would be in the order of $130 billion per annum. This has stifled the creation of the jobs which are urgently needed in a country with a large and rapidly growing population. Manufacturers and service providers lament that huge expenditure on alternatives to the country’s perennially power supply problems raises production and other costs. In recent years, as manufacturing concerns have struggled to cope with the high costs of production, several factories have closed and businesses have relocated to neighboring Ghana. Source: Adeyeye (2012)
In Johannesburg, the Rea Vaya BRT and the Gautrain play key roles in making the city more liveable. The Rea Vaya BRT, which links Johannesburg CBD with Braamfontein and Soweto, provides fast, reliable and affordable transport for 80,000 passengers per day, and in the process, reduces traffic congestion on that route (McCaul, 2009). In terms of employment, the Rea Vaya created 700 permanent jobs and 3300 temporary construction jobs. With 100,000 passenger trips per day, the Gautrain is expected to reduce the number of cars along the JohannesburgPretoria corridor by 20%. This will result in 25,000-30,000 fewer cars per day on that stretch of road which is one of the busiest in South Africa on which traffic is increasing by 7% a year (BBC, 2011). Other benefits associated with the Gautrain include the creation of 100,000 during the design, construction and commissioning of the project; and 2,700 jobs during the operation and maintenance of the project (Official Gautrain Website, n.d). Besides, the Gautrain will generate additional revenue for Gauteng Province, improve air quality due to less vehicular movement, and reduce travel time. The first phase of the Lagos BRT has been highly successful World Bank (2009b). Specifically, it has attracted enthusiastic new patronage from those who previously avoided public transport especially the car -owning middle class; it offers safe, clean and reliable transport; BRT passengers enjoy a 30% decrease in average fares; commuters have been able to reduce their time in transit by 40% and waiting time 35%; it has created direct employment for 1000 people and indirect employment for over 500,000 people; it has demonstrated that local operators can run successful public transport operations. Plans are underway by Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority to extend the service and introduce a seven-line light rail system (Mabereola, 2009). 5.3. Access to health and education With the exception of the cities of Ibadan, Luanda and Nairobi, an overwhelming majority of experts (75%) believe that the provision of infrastructure facilitates greater access to health and education. The notable difference
259
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
260
in the perception of the experts in the three other cities might be an indication that the effect of improved infrastructure has not been fully translated into greater access to health and education for majority of the cities’ population. This view is given credence by skepticism expressed over the distribution of the benefits of a prosperous city by urban experts in these cities. For instance, in Ibadan and Luanda, the benefits of urban prosperity are perceived to be appropriated mainly by the wealthy; and in Nairobi mainly by the wealthy and the politicians (UNHabitat, 2012). This emphasizes the need for a more equitable distribution of the benefits associated with prosperous cities. Health and education are key components of human development and will play a major role in achieving many of the SDGs. Increased investment in health and education constitutes sound development strategy and is one of the best uses to which a city can put its resources (Arimah, 2004). Healthy children learn better and healthy adults work better— both being major assets to the city. Education is a key instrument for empowerment, combating poverty and improving urban productivity. Cities with healthier and a well-educated workforce are more likely to be productive and competitive. In this regard, the city of Gaborone has made remarkable strides in providing its inhabitants with increased access to health and education. The average number of pupils per class is less than 40; and education in all public schools is subsidized (Kalabamu, 2011). The city’s 15 public clinics are strategically located to adequately serve the population. Medical services at all public health facilities are provided at affordable rates to all citizens. All these have been facilitated in part by the high levels of investment of infrastructure in the city— estimated at $424 per capita and the highest of any African city (Arimah, 2005). 5.4. Improving quality of life One of the many ways by which infrastructure can contribute to the prosperity of cities is this through improved quality of life. In the context of this paper, quality of life relates to enhanced safety and security especially for the youth and women. Overall, 72% of local experts across the various cities perceive that infrastructure contributes to enhancing the quality of life. In cities Algiers, Alexandria and Gaborone, the local experts reckon that improving the quality of life is the most important contribution that infrastructure makes to the prosperity of their respective cities. In the case of the youth, the provision of infrastructure in terms of training, sports, recreational and community facilities will make the city more attractive and positively engage one of the most risk-prone groups and deflect them away from deviant behaviour. For instance, UN-Habitat in partnership with city authorities in East Africa have established One-Stop Youth Centres to as innovative and ground-breaking spaces that provide a meeting place for young people to access information and resources critical to youth-led development programmes. The programme has contributed to crime prevention among the youth, and to the empowerment of youth in difficult circumstances in Dar es Salaam Nairobi, Mombasa, Kampala, and Kigali. Such strategies offer the possibility that youth who benefit from them will contribute more effectively towards the development and general prosperity of their communities than would otherwise have been the case (UN-Habitat, 2007). The strategic and systematic upgrading of public spaces can create an environment that enhances the safety and security of all citizens especially women and children. For instance, the provision of physical infrastructure such as street lighting can ensure that women feel safe in public places after nightfall. The Slum and Street Lighting Initiative in Kenya is one of such projects: aimed at improving the quality of city dwellers by ensuring that public spaces remain well lit after sunset. This resulted in improved security and safety of public areas, thereby allowing cross-sections of the population to participate fully in economic and recreational activities (Adopt a Light, 2009). Since its commencement in 2002, the Slum and Street Lighting Initiative has recorded laudable achievements. By 2009, it had installed 3000 streetlights along 50 streets covering an estimated distance of 150 km (Adopt a Light, 2009). The impact of the project has been most felt in the slums were 33 high-mast lights have been installed to serve over 500,000 people. The immediate impact of this improved security in the slums with the reduction of crimes break-ins, muggings, harassment of women and children, and rape. From the economic perspective, business enterprises in the slums where the project is operational have greatly benefitted, as it has allowed them to extend operating hours and improve sales.
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
5.5. Guiding urban expansion A large majority of local experts across the various cities are of the opinion that infrastructure can play major role in guiding urban expansion. Cities where the experts strongly believe that infrastructure can guide urban expansion include Addis Ababa, Alexandria, Dar es Salaam, Gaborone, Johannesburg and Lagos. These are some of the African cities that experience uncontrollable urban sprawl. The opinion of the local experts must therefore be seen within the context of the nature of urban expansion in African cities. Many African cities are spreading out at a remarkable pace and, in the process, are engulfing surrounding towns and cities, and valuable agricultural land leading to continuous belts of settlements. This process is largely informal and is driven by the desire of the poor and low-income households to secure land that is affordable and in a reasonable location (UN-Habitat, 2009). This has led to the emergence of new settlement forms, which neither the existing structures of government or current regulatory frameworks are able to respond to effectively. It is these sprawling urban peripheries, almost entirely without infrastructure and largely unregulated, that make up the bulk of informal settlements. The irony is that it is in these areas that most urban growth is taking place. The provision of infrastructure can therefore guide the spatial expansion of the city. For instance, transport infrastructure can facilitate more compact urban development and integrate different land uses. Compact urban development is deemed efficient, inclusive and sustainable. The costs of providing infrastructure is cheaper, there is better access to services and facilities; since thresholds are higher, the livelihoods of the urban poor are promoted, and social segregation can be reduced. The time and cost spent in travelling is lower. Besides, increasing the density of urban areas enables cities to take advantage of agglomeration economies, which are crucial to the prosperity of cities. 5.6. Environmental quality Adequate infrastructure for collecting and disposing solid wastes, storm water and flood protection, open and green spaces are of fundamental importance for environmental quality. Across the various cities — particularly in Accra, Alexandria, Dar es Salaam, Gaborone, Johannesburg and Lagos, local experts perceive that infrastructure contributes to the environmental quality of urban areas. Many Africa cities are characterized by inadequate water supply and squalid conditions of environmental sanitation. One of the most visible and intractable urban environmental problem pertains to the disposal and collection of solid waste. In Nairobi, local experts point to extensive pollution of the Nairobi River not just by industrial effluents, but also solid waste (Omenya, 2011). Linkages exist between the state of infrastructure and the health outcomes of urban residents. Increased access to piped water is capable of lowering the exposure to water-borne diseases. In Benin, Cameroon, Malawi and Morocco the chances of diarrhea incidence are reduced by more than 30% if the source of water is piped (Fuentes et. al, 2006). Access to improved water is likely to have beneficial impact on school attendance and performance of girls in African cities since they will spend less time fetching water. Improved sanitary conditions also have a major impact on health outcomes. In Ghana and Mali, access to a flush toilet reduces the risk of diarrhea by 39% and 50% respectively (Fuentes et. al, 2006). The Ebola outbreak in West Africa underscores the importance of infrastructure and basic services— especially those related to water, sanitation, environmental quality, health, and services that build up the resilience of cities to withstand and respond to such epidemic (Novosti, 2014; Snyder, et. al., 2014). The outbreak was particularly virulent in the slums often associated with inadequate water, sanitation and poor environmental conditions (Snyder, et. al., 2014). What this tells us is that inadequate infrastructure and basic services— often the outcome of poorly planned urbanization played a key role in the spread of the Ebola virus. 5.7. Improving slum conditions and poverty reduction Infrastructure can contribute to the prosperity of African cities by improving slum conditions and reducing poverty. This view is particularly strong among local experts in Addis Ababa, Alexandria, Dar es Salaam, Gaborone and Johannesburg. Urban areas in many African countries are growing at a remarkable pace, but because of the
261
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
262
inadequate provision of infrastructure and effective urban planning, new areas develop as informal settlements, and some existing areas become slums. The prevalence of slums is highest in Sub-Saharan Africa with 62% of the urban population living in slum-like conditions. Providing adequate infrastructure in no small part led to improving the lives of slum dwellers, and has contributed to achieving the slum target of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in several regions. Indeed, Fay et. al (2004) demonstrate the importance of infrastructure in achieving many of the MDGs Investment in trunk infrastructure for road access, water, sanitation and electricity can also prevent the formation of new slums, reduce the health burden faced by slum dwellers, and deliver major benefits in poverty reduction and environmental sustainability. Improved road network can also reduce inequality and exclusion by improving access to employment and activity nodes. This is particularly important given that informal settlements are far removed and disconnected from the main urban fabric, with residents having to endure longer commuting times and higher transportation costs. Infrastructure can play a key role in legitimizing informal or squatter settlements, thereby encouraging families to gradually improve their houses (Gulyani and Bassett, 2007). 5.8. Reducing spatial disparities Finally, infrastructure can contribute to the prosperity of cities by reducing spatial disparities, particularly in sprawling urban areas with uncontrolled and largely un-serviced peri-urban areas. This view is relatively strong among local experts in Dar es Salaam and Lagos. Urban sprawl accentuates social and economic differences a cross the city, thus resulting in spatial differences in wealth and quality of life. These sprawling urban peripheries in African cities are almost entirely un-serviced, and as such, huge differences exist in the coverage and quality of infrastructure between these peri-urban locations and other parts of the city. The provision of infrastructure and other ancillary services in peri-urban and poor neighbourhoods will go a long way to improving the quality of life and reducing inequality in peripheral locations. Furthermore, given that these locations are often inaccessible, connective infrastructure can play an integrative role in linking these areas with various activity nodes within the city. 6. Conclusion: Summary and Policy Implications Despite the importance of urban infrastructure in the functioning, development, and prosperity of cities, there are very few attempts at empirically investigating the contribution of urban infrastructure from a cross-city or comparative perspective. Most studies have focused on the cross-country or national level. This in part can be attributed to the dearth of reliable city-based data. Using the Expert Opinion Survey conducted by UN-Habitat for a wide range of cities, this paper has sought to identify how the provision of infrastructure can contribute to the prosperity of African cities. Trends in the provision of water supply, road network and telecommunications— were examined. Based on the opinion of local experts, serious water shortage characterizes 79% of the cities covered in survey. This is contrary to official statistics, which show that 89% of the urban population in Africa has access to improved water supply. The dysfunctional nature of road infrastructure in African cities poses a major challenge to mobility and prosperity. Telecommunications is ranked as the most developed form infrastructure across African cities. This is attributed to the spectacular growth in the mobile phone industry over the last one and half decades. Currently, 92% of households in African cities own mobile phones. Further analysis of the Expert Opinion Survey shows that infrastructure can contribute to the prosperity of African cities by: driving economic growth; facilitating urban mobility; ensuring greater access to health and education; enhancing the quality of life; guiding or steering urban growth; improving environmental quality; reducing the incidence of and poverty; and reducing spatial disparities, particularly in cities with un-serviced periurban areas. In the paragraphs that follow, some of the policy implications emanating from the findings of this paper are briefly discussed. Given the overriding importance of infrastructure in contributing to the prosperity of urban areas, it is imperative that African cities prioritize infrastructure as part of long-term development. This should not pose a major problem, given that infrastructure is the most common entry point to achieving prosperity in cities when
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
compared to other dimensions of the prosperity of cities. In fact, infrastructure appears to be the common thread linking the other dimensions of prosperity. Evaluating the responses from experts across the various cities, it is instructive that while there is the need to prioritize infrastructure as part of long-term development, there are certain critical components of infrastructure that the relevant authorities need to address. Adequate water supply still presents a challenge to many African cities. For instance, all but two of the cities covered in this paper suffer chronic water shortage. This is largely due to the fact that many African cities have not embarked on the rehabilitation of their aging water distribution systems, which accounts for significant loss of water and disruptions. A starting point is the need for city authorities in treat water as a very precious resource, and to institute water governance mechanisms that will ensure that the necessary administrative, economic and social systems are put in place for the efficient use, development, conservation and management of water resources. Cities such as Gaborone and Algiers that able to meet their water supply needs despite being located in semi-arid or drought-stricken regions, have demonstrated that undertaking reforms aimed at developing additional water supplies, adopting water conservation and management programmes, and rehabilitation of water distribution network can yield tremendous results The roads in African cities are chronically congested. This to a large extent is attributable the poor state of road infrastructure and the absence of an effective public transport system. The most viable option is developing sustainable mass transit for African cities. This is no mean feat, as it will require various interventions in terms of legislation, and financial assistance from higher levels of government and possibly from development agencies. This because few African cities are able to develop and afford the scale of investment required for a viable mass transit system. Several cities are moving along this path; Lagos and Cape Town adopted the Bus Rapid Transit, while Johannesburg implemented the Bus Rapid Transit and the Mass Rail Transit— Gautrain as innovative solutions. These have been well received since they commenced operations. Other African cities would have to implement mass transit systems that are context-specific and best suited to their circumstances. This paper further shows that recreational infrastructure is the least developed of all components of infrastructure. This has implications for the prosperity of cities, and suggests that access to public spaces in many African cities is severely limited. Policymakers need to be reminded that recreational and related infrastructure provide opportunities for the youth to be positively engaged. Planning for a youthful population places particular demands on city authorities in terms of the need for recreational, sports, education and training facilities. Besides, cities that pay attention to recreation facilities, public spaces, green areas and parks demonstrate a commitment to improved quality of life. Such cities are also likely to enhance community cohesion and civic identity. Access to public spaces does not only improve quality of life, it facilitates civic empowerment. Finally, findings from the Expert Opinion Survey reveal that the maintenance of infrastructure in African cities highly inadequate or non-existent. In Accra, Dar es Salaam, Ibadan, Nairobi, Lusaka, and Luanda, less than 10% of the local experts believe that systematic maintenance of the existing stock infrastructure is taking place. If infrastructure is play a key role in driving the prosperity of cities, then it must be adequately maintained. Indeed, African cities must develop a culture of regularly maintaining their infrastructure. The effective maintenance and management of existing infrastructure has the potential effect expanding the capacity. Regular and scheduled maintenance lengthens the life span of infrastructure, saving huge sums that can be diverted to other areas of the economy. Indeed, the work of (Foster and Briceno-Garmendia, 2010) has shown that for everyone dollar spent on road maintenance in Africa provides a savings of for dollars to the economy. If this is the case, there is a stronger case for earmarking funds for regular and scheduled maintenance of infrastructures by the relevant authorities across African cities.
Acknowledgements This paper is based on the Expert Opinion Survey undertaken by the UN-Habitat for the State of the World Cities 2012/2013: Prosperity of Cities. The author is grateful for the permission given to use the data. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not reflect those of UN-Habitat.
263
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266
264
References Adeyeye, J (2012) “Development sputters in Nigeria’s generator economy”, http://gga.org/analysis/development-sputters-in-nigeria2019sgenerator-economy Adopt a Light (2009) The Adopt a Light Project: Report on Best Practice, Submission for UN-Habitat Business Award for Sustainable Urbanization, http://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/6855_19838_AdoptaLight.pdf African Economic Outlook (2011) Mauritius, http://www.africaneconomicoutlook.org/en/countries/southern-africa/mauritius/ Aker, J. C. and Mbiti, I. M (2010) “Mobile phones and economic development in Africa”, Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 24(3): 207232 Amoako-Agyei, E (2010) “Africa Leapfrogs into the Future: How Innovation is Driving African Business” http://nigeriabusinesscommunities.com/news/africa-leapfrogs-into-the-future-how-innovation-is-driving-african-business.html Arimah, B. C (2004) “Poverty Reduction and Human Development in Africa”, Journal of Human Development, Vol. 5 (3): 399-414 Arimah, B. C. (2005) “What drives infrastructure spending in cities of developing countries”? Urban Studies, Vol. 42 (8): 1345–1368 BBC (2011) South Africa Gautrain opens Johannesburg-Pretoria route, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14371113 Blaikie, N (2000). Designing Social Research: The Logic of Anticipation, 1 st Edition, Polity Press, Cambridge. Calderón, C (2008) “Infrastructure and growth in Africa”, Policy Research Working Paper 4914, World Bank: Washington, DC. Calderón, C and Servén, L (2008) “Infrastructure and Economic Development in Sub-Saharan Africa”, Policy Research Working Paper 4712, World Bank: Washington, DC. Chang, S.E. and Svekia, W.D, (2002). Linking infrastructure and urban economy: simulation of water-disruption impacts in earthquakes. Environment and Planning A, Vol. 29: 281-301 Choguill, C. (1996) “Ten steps to sustainable infrastructure”, Habitat International, 20(3): 389-4044; Chiesura, A. (2004) The Role of Urban Parks for the Sustainable City. Landscape and Urban Planning (68):129-138. Cooper, M (2010) “Cities face tough choices as US slashes block grants program”, New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/22/us/cities-struggle-as-us-slashes-block-grants-program.html Curnow, R. and Kermeliotis, T (2012) “The daily grind of commuting in Africa's economic hubs”, http://edition.cnn.com/2012/04/05/world/africa/commuting-africa/index.html Creswell, J. W. (2003). Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative and Mixed Method Approaches (2nd ed.). California: Sage. EIU (2010) ICT for City Management A research project conducted by the Economist Intelligence Unit Sponsored by Siemens, http://www.eiu.com/report_dl.asp?mode=fi&fi=1147284899.PDF&rf=0 Escribano, A. J., Guasch, and Pena, J (2008) “Impact of Infrastructure Constraints on Firm Productivity in Africa”, Africa Infrastructure Diagnostic Study, Working Paper 9, Washington, DC: World Bank Escribano, A., Guasch, J. L. and Pena, J. (2010) “Assessing the impact of infrastructure quality on firm productivity in Africa: Cross-country comparisons based on investment climate surveys from 1999 to 2005’ Policy Research Working Paper 5191, World Bank: Washington, DC. Fay, M. and Morrison, M (2005) Infrastructure in Latin America and the Caribbean: Recent Developments and Key Challenges, Washington, DC: World Bank Fay, M; Leipziger; Woden, Q, and Yepes T (2004), “Achieving Child-Health-Related Millennium Development Goals: The Role of Infrastructure”, World Development, Vol. 33(8): 1267-1284. Foster, V., and Briceno-Garmendia (2010) Africa’s Infrastructure: A Time for Transformation, Washington, DC: World Bank Fuentes, R., Pfütze, P. Seck, P (2006) “A logistic analysis of Diarrhea incidence and access to water and sanitation”, Human Development Report Office Occasional Paper, 2006/5 FSD Kenya and CBK (2009) Financial inclusion in Kenya:Survey results and analysis from FinAccess 2009. http://fsdkenya.org/publication/finaccess-national-survey-2009-dynamics-of-kenyas-changing-financial-landscape/ , Last Accessed 23 February 2016. FSD Kenya and CBK (2013) FinAccess National Survey 2013: Profiling developments in financial access and usage in Kenya, http://fsdkenya.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/13-10-31_FinAccess_2013_Report.pdf , Last Accessed 23 February 2016. Gautrain (2012) Why rapid rail? http://www.gautrain.co.za/about/about-gautrain/why-rapid-rail General Electric Power and Water (2010) Africa’s Largest Seawater Desalination Plant Eases Water Scarcity for City of Algiers, Algeria, http://www.gewater.com/pdf/Case%20Studies_Cust/Americas/English/CS1338EN.pdf Glaeser, E.L. (1998). Are Cities Dying? Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol.12: pp.139-160GSM Association (2011) Africa Mobile Observatory 2011, GSMA London Grant, U (2010) Spatial Inequality and Urban Poverty Traps, Overseas Development Institute (ODI) Working Paper 326. London. GSMA (2011) Africa Mobile Observatory 2011; http://www.gsma.com/publicpolicy/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/africamoeswebfinal.pdf GSMA (2014) The Mobile Economy: Sub-Saharan Africa 2014; http://www.gsmamobileeconomyafrica.com/GSMA_ME_SubSaharanAfrica_Web_Singles.pdf GSMA(2016a) The Mobile Economy 2016, https://gsmaintelligence.com/research/?file=97928efe09cdba2864cdcf1ad1a2f58c&download , Last Accessed 23 February 2016. GSMA(2016b) 2015 State of the Industry Report: Mobile Money, http://paybefore.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/SOTIR_2015.pdf
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266 Gulyani, S. and Bassett, E. M. (2007) “Retrieving the baby from the bathwater: Slum upgrading in Sub-Saharan Africa”, Environment and Planning C, 25: 486-515. Hampwaye, G. and W. Nchito (2011) City Report on Lusaka, Unpublished UN-Habitat background paper for the State of the World Cities 2012/2013: Prosperity of Cities. Hesse-Biber, S.N and Leavy, P. (2004) Approaches to Qualitative Research, Oxford University Press IMF (2011) Regional Economic Outlook Sub-Saharan Africa, Washington DC: International Monetary Fund Jones H (2009), Equity in Development: Why it is important and how to achieve it? Overseas Development Institute, London. Jumanne, S (2001) “Dar dying of thirst but Dawasco sound asleep”, The Citizen, August 28, 2011, http://www.thecitizen.co.tz/sunday-citizen/43sunday-citizen-opinion-editorial/14197-dar-dying-of-thirst-but-dawasco-sound-asleep.html Kalabamu, F. T. (2011) City Report on Gaborone. Unpublished UN-Habitat background paper for the State of the World Cities 2012/2013: Prosperity of Cities. Kumar, A. (2011) “Understanding the emerging role of motorcycles in African cities: A political economy perspective”, Sub-Saharan Africa Transport Policy Program Discussion Paper, No. 13 Kumar, A. and Barrett, F. (2008) Stuck in traffic: urban transport in Africa, World Bank: Washington, DC. Krauss, S. E. (2005). Research paradigms and meaning making: A primer. The Qualitative Report. 10(4): 758-770. Kyessi, A. G (2005) “Community-based urban water management in fringe neighbourhoods: the case of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania”, Habitat International, 29: 1–25 Lall, R., Anand, R. and Rastogi A. (2010) “Developing physical Infrastructure: A comparative perspective on the experience of China and India”, in Gerhaeusser, K., Iwasaki, Y. and Tulasidhar, V. B. (eds) Resurging Asian Giants’ Asian Development Bank, Manila, pp.57-114. LAMATA (n.d) Bus Rapid Transit, http://www.lamata-ng.com/brt.htm Lincoln, Y. S. and Guba, E. G. (2000). Paradigmatic controversies, contradictions, and emerging influences. In N. Denzin and Y. Lincoln (eds.), Handbook of Qualitative Research (2nd ed., pp. 163-188). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Lopez, H. (2004). Macroeconomics and Inequality. World Bank Research Workshop, Macroeconomic Challenges in Low Income Countries. World Bank: Washington DC. Mabereola, D. (2009) Lagos Bus Rapid Transit Africa’s first BRT scheme; http://wwwwds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2010/03/16/000333037_20100316003930/Rendered/PDF/534970NWP0 DP0910Box345611B01PUBLIC1.pdf Martin, T.G, Kuhnert, P.M, Mengersen, K., Possingham H. P. (2005). The Power of Expert Opinion on in Ecological Models Using Bayesian Methods: Impact of Grazing on Birds. Ecological Applications 15: 266–280 McCaul, C (2009) The introduction of the Rea Vaya BRT system in Johannesburg: developments, achievements and challenges, www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/7997_81569_Rea_Vaya.pdf Merriam, S. (1998). Qualitative Research and Case Study Applications in Education (2 nd Edition). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Ministry of Roads (n.d) Flagship Projects, http://www.roads.go.ke/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=42&Itemid=53&showall=1 Moser, C. O. N., Winton A. and Moser, A. (2005) “Violence, fear and insecurity among the urban poor in Latin America”, in Fay, M. (Ed.) The Urban Poor in Latin America, World Bank, Washington, DC. Muya, C. (2014) Mobile money in Africa; https://www.barclayscorporate.com/content/dam/corppublic/corporate/Documents/insight/mobilemoney-in-africa.pdf Novosti, R. (2014). Ebola Fight Hampered by Lack of Equipment, Poor Infrastructure: Ex-Liberian Senator. Sierra Leone Times, Vol. 0307/2014. Sunday 02/November. Official Gautrain Website (n.d) Electronic ticketing to benefit all public transport users, http://www.gautrain.co.za/about/route/public-transportintegration/electronic-ticketing-to-benefit-all-public-transport-users/ Ogun, T. P (2010). Infrastructure and Poverty Reduction: Implication for Urban Development in Nigeria. Urban Forum, 21:249-266. Omenya, A. (2011) City Report on Nairobi, Unpublished UN-Habitat background paper for the State of the World Cities 2012/2013: Prosperity of Cities. Pucher, J., Peng, Z, Mittal, N, Zhu, Y and Korattyswaroopam, N (2007) “Urban transport trends and policies in China and India: Impacts of rapid Economic growth”, Transport Reviews, 27 (4): 379–410 Railway-technology.com (n.d) Gautrain rapid rail link, South Africa, http://www.railway-technology.com/projects/gautrain/ Safaricom (2016) ‘Safaricom Limited, H1 FY16 Presentation’, http://www.safaricom.co.ke/images/Downloads/Resources_Downloads/Half_Year_2015-2016_Results_Presentation.pdf , Last Accessed 23 February 2016 Saunders, M., Lewis, P. and Thornhill, A (2007). Research Methods for Business Students. 4 th Edition, London. Prentice Hall. Sen, A. (1983) “Development: Which Way Now”, Economic Journal, 93, pp.754 Snyder, R. E, Mariel A., Marlow, M. A., Riley, L. W (2014). Ebola in urban slums: the elephant in the room. The Lancet Global Health, Early Online Publication, 30 October 2014, doi: 10.1016/S2214-109X (14)70339-0 Tanzi, V. (1998) Corruption around the world, IMF Staff Papers, 45, pp. 559–594; Thelma, S (1998). The Delphi Technique: An Adaptive Research Tool. British Journal of Occupational Therapy, Volume 61, Number 4, April, pp. 153-156(4) Toteng, E. (2008) “The effects of water management frameworks and the role of domestic consumers on urban water consumption in Botswana”, Water International, 33(4): 475-487 Tzoulas, K., Korpela, K., Venn, S., Vesa, Y., Kazmierczak, A. Niemela, J., James, P. (2007). “Promoting Ecosystem and Human Health in Urban Areas Using Green Infrastructure: A Literature Review”, Landscape and Urban Planning, 81: 167-178
265
266
Ben Arimah / Procedia Engineering 198 (2017) 245 – 266 UNDP (2012) Water Governance Facility, http://www.watergovernance.org/whatiswatergovernance UNECA (2009) Africa Review Report on Transport, Sixth Session of the Committee on Food Security and Sustainable Development Regional Implementation Meeting for the 18th Session of the Conference on Sustainable Development 27-30 October 2009 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia UN-Habitat (2007) Global Report on Human Settlements 2007: Enhancing Safety and Security, London: Earthscan UN-Habitat (2009) Global Report on Human Settlements 2009: Planning Sustainable Cities, London: Earthscan UN-Habitat (2010a) Global Urban Indicators Database, UN-Habitat: Nairobi UN-Habitat (2010b) State of the World’s Cities 2010/2011: Bridging the Urban Divide, London: Earthscan UN-Habitat (2011a) Cities and Climate Change: Global Report on Human Settlements: Earthscan: London UN-Habitat (2011b) Infrastructure for Economic Development, United Nations Human Settlements Programme: Nairobi UN-Habitat (2013) State of the World’s Cities 2012/2013: Prosperity of Cities, London: Earthscan United Nations (2015) Transforming Our World: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, A/RES/70/1, http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/70/1&Lang=E Vaughan, P. (2010) “The growth of Mobile Money Transfer Service: The Case of M-PESA”, http://aitec.usp.net/Banking&MobileMoneyCOMESA_2425Feb2010/Pauline%20Vaughan,%20Safaricom,%20Kenya,%20%20Banking%20 COMESA%2024-25%20FEB%202010.pdf Wheeler Stephen (1998), Planning Sustainable and Livable Cities, New York: Routledge World Bank (2009) Getting people and traffic moving again in Lagos http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTABOUTUS/IDA/0,,contentMDK:22229765~menuPK:4754051~pagePK:51236175~p iPK:437394~theSitePK:73154,00.html World Bank (2010) Kenya Economic Update: Kenya at the Tipping Point? with a special focus on the ICT Revolution and Mobile Money December 2010 Edition No.3, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/KENYAEXTN/Resources/KEU-Dec_2010_with_cover_e-version.pdf World Bank (n.d) Lagos Bus Rapid Transit (BRT): Fighting congestion and climate change, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTAFRICA/Resources/FINAL_STORY_green-growth-lagos.pdf World Bank (2015)Urban Development: An Overview, http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/urbandevelopment/overview#1 World Economic Forum (2010) The Global Competitiveness Report 2010-2011, World Economic Forum: Geneva Yap Kioe Sheng (2002) “Poverty alleviation through rural-urban Linkages: policy implications”, United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Pacific: Bangkok