Directed Final-jas.pdf

STUDY ON LIVELIHOOD OF SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS

Prepared for the fulfillment of fifth year first part of Bachelor's Degree in Architecture under Department of Architecture, IOE Thapathali, Tribhuvan University

DIRECTED STUDIES REPORT

Jasmine Bajracharya (071/B.ARCH./513) Department of Architecture Institute of Engineering Thapathali Engineering Campus XI Semester March 2019

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The study for directed studies has been completed with suggestion, guidance & support from many individuals. I express my sincere gratitude to Tribhuvan University and Department of Architecture, Thapathali Campus for including directed studies as a course for supporting the in-depth research of the topics related to individual’s thesis project. I would like to acknowledge Ar. Sangeeta Singh for her guidance and supervision during this period. My sincere gratitude goes to Head of Department, Ar. Sudeep Sharma Paudyal and Thesis Coordinators Ar. Sashi Kumar Mandal and Shree Hari Thapa for their constant supervision and encouraging words on choosing a sensitive topic like squatter redevelopment. I would like to sincerely thank my fellow friends and colleagues, Anu Sapkota, Nitesh Poudel and Bipin Paudel for their constructive comments, immense support and thumping encouragements. Jasmine Bajracharya, March 2019

ABSTRACT Squatting or residing on public land illegally, is a modern urban phenomenon in developing countries. This phenomenon is attributed to rapid urbanization due to rural-to-urban migration, which leads to rising costs of living, exclusionary housing markets, a lack of affordable housing and urban inequality. The growth of these settlements is not a natural process, but rather a byproduct of ineffective urban planning through weak governance.

This report identifies, evaluates and analyzes livelihood situations of the squatter settlements with reference to tenure security as well as social security. The method used for the study includes primary and secondary data collections from peer reviewed journals, reports, books, articles, presentations and interviews. The findings indicate that squatters in Kathmandu live in poor housing conditions, vulnerable and insecure, high health risk and polluted environment, poor sanitation, working unemployment, poor educational support deprived from basic public services, institutional and social exclusion. Certain community driven projects were analysed that suggested for not only the men but also the women’s and youth participation for building their shelters, work, employment opportunity, local people’s contribution for development, need of advocating organization to secure people’s right to live and work without the fear of eviction.

Varying squatter upgrading strategies for proper planning of the settlements increases the scope for development projects and their refining. Also the architectural considerations for improving the environmental psychology of the respondents in terms of privacy, security, identity, accessibility and circulation, flexibility and functionality are discussed. Cases that are successful show characters that fit into the local culture and context and development of the community as a whole and not just an individual house were observed. The report has been concluded with emphasis on integrating the squatter settlements in urban development for Kathmandu to become a sustainable, inclusive and resilient city.

A REPORT ON LIVELIHOOD OF SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEGEMENT ABSTRACT LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ..................................................................................................... 3 1

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY ................................................................................... 4 1.1

How is a squatter formed? ........................................................................................... 4

1.2

Squatting in Kathmandu .............................................................................................. 5

2

STUDY AREAS ................................................................................................................. 5

3

OBJECTIVES ..................................................................................................................... 6

4

LIMITATIONS .................................................................................................................. 6

5

METHODOLOGY OF DATA COLLECTION ................................................................. 6

6

LITERATURE REVIEW: LIVELIHOOD OF SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS ............... 7 6.1

Existing condition in Kathmandu ................................................................................ 7

6.2

SQUATTERS, ITS EFFECTS AND IMPACTS ........................................................ 8

6.2.1

Squatter Settlements and Impacts on Environment ............................................. 8

6.2.2

Squatter Settlements and Economy ..................................................................... 9

6.3 RESPONSE OF THE PRIVATE AND PUBLIC SECTOR TO HOUSING FOR URBAN POOR .................................................................................................................... 10 6.4

CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ....................................... 12

6.4.1

Poverty, Social Exclusion and Fear of Eviction ................................................ 12

6.4.2

Types of Upgrading Techniques for Slums and Squatters................................. 13

6.4.3

Environmental Psychology ................................................................................ 15

6.5

Inferences from Literature Review ........................................................................... 21

7

FRAMEWORK FOR CASE STUDY .............................................................................. 22

8

CASE STUDY.................................................................................................................. 23 8.1

Ramhiti ...................................................................................................................... 23

8.1.1

Introduction ........................................................................................................ 23

8.1.2

Features of the development project .................................................................. 23

8.2

Dharavi, Mumbai ...................................................................................................... 25

8.2.1

Introduction ........................................................................................................ 25

8.2.2

Problems faced by the residents ......................................................................... 26

8.2.3

Features of Dharavi settlement .......................................................................... 26

8.2.4

Attempts Taken for Redevelopment of Dharavi ................................................ 27

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8.3 DESIGN STRATEGIES FOR DEVELOPING THE INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS BY MANGALISO CHIMA AND MICHAEL MURPHY .................................................. 30 8.3.1

Introduction ........................................................................................................ 30

8.3.2

Design Strategies for Informal Settlements: Mangaliso Chima ........................ 31

8.3.3 8.4 9

Architecture that can heal: Michael Murphy ..................................................... 33

INFERENCES FROM CASE STUDY ..................................................................... 34

CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................ 35

References ................................................................................................................................ 36

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS List of Tables: Table 1: Name of River and Nearby Squatter Settlements 7 Table 2: Population and No. of Households by Locations 7 List of Figures: Figure 1: Methodology of Study 6 Figure 2: Ethnicity of Squatter Residents along Bagmati River 8 Figure 3: Study of household numbers from 2007-2011 AD 8 Figure 4: Re-blocking of settlement 13 Figure 5: Land Sharing 13 Figure 6: Reconstruction of settlement 14 Figure 7: Territorial hierarchy in space design 17 Figure 8: Scope of environment –behavior information 18 Figure 9: Dimensions and sub-dimensions of home comfort 18 Figure 10: Factors impacts on Human Psychology 18 Figure 11: Ramhiti Squatter Settlement 23 Figure 12: Dharavi is located in the centre of the city, surrounded by wealthy neighbourhoods 25 Figure 13: Dharavi's sprawling layout with match box houses 25 Figure 14: Map of human activity in Dharavi 27 Figure 15: Turning external forces into qualities. Competition entry, The Game Is On! 29 Figure 16: Redevelopment of the negar (neighbourhood) in competition entry, The Game Is On! 29 Figure 17: Transforming squares into neighbourhood centres in Dharavi, Plural 30 Figure 18: Row housing to courtyard housing: Saving more space and more productivity 31 Figure 19: Incremental Housing Strategies 32 Figure 20: Construction by the active participants of the community for the community 33 Figure 21: Process of converting the unused rubbles as aesthetically vibrant building material by the people of Rwanda 34

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1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY Slums are generally known as extremely populated inner-city areas considered by poor housing and squalor. The commonly used definition for slum by United Nation - Habitat (April 2007) is slum household as a group of individuals who have one or more of the following characteristics: Poor structural housing quality, overcrowding, inadequate access to safe water, sanitation and other infrastructure and insecure residential status Each of these characteristics can be looked through a micro-perspective that provides detailed understanding of any particular situation with its causes and its consequences which are linked with poverty, social exclusion and well-being. Whereas squatting, is one form of slum which is quite visible in most of the slum area of Nepal. The meaning of squatters in Nepal is defined by Lumanti (2001, 12) as squatter settlement takes the form of appropriation over public or private land for one’s own use without any legal procedure or rights. This form of settlement usually uses materials of little or no value to construct their shelter or move into abandoned buildings owned by others. Squatting may take place in an openly or secretly done by an individual or large number of people. An important difference between slums and squatter settlements is that the squatter settlements lacks the basic land rights(Ramesh, 2014, p. 11). Land is a cross-cutting issue. Basically in the urban areas, there are slums and squatters developed simultaneously with urbanization. In the recent years, migration has led to population growth in many cities especially in developing countries. There are many haphazard residential settlements and built up areas which have brought serious problems like continuity of informal settlements, increased gap between rich and poor people, lack of tenure security, and unsustainable land use(Ashokkumar Shrestha, 2017, p. 1). 1.1 How is a squatter formed? There are push and pull factors that causes rural to urban migration. The push factors are lack of access to land in which many people find themselves in a situation of economically insecure. Similarly, the push factors are better jobs, health, education and other facilities. However, due to lack of affordable land and housing, lack of employment opportunities the migrant population left to squat and build their shelters on public land and other environmentally sensitive areas like riverbanks or flood plains, steep slopes and vacant spaces under highvoltage electrical transmission line. Besides, the failure of the rural economy and displacement of people for various reasons, including natural disasters and conflict, are the two major causes for the increase of slums and squatter settlements in the valley (UN-HABITAT, 2010), (Ashokkumar Shrestha, 2017, p. 1). The proximity to income-earning opportunities in the city centre is normally a crucial issue for the urban poor and, to gain access to inexpensive centrally-located land for housing, the urban poor normally have to sacrifice tenure security. They are forced to encroach on any type of vacant land illegally (often ill-suited for housing) and to ignore building and development regulations. Due to the scarcity of land, settling in the public land has brought numerous problems such as environmental degradation, conflict between the residents and the government, and loss of open space in Kathmandu Valley.

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1.2 Squatting in Kathmandu The history of squatter settlements on the bank of Bagmati river shows that these were established more than 50 years ago but they were few in comparison to the present. Growth rate is 37.94 percent in 2008, 39.16 percent in 2009, 24.79 percent in 2010 and 15.83 percent in 2011. This indicates rapid growth in the years 2008 and 2009 and slower growth in 2010 and slow in 2011 (Desar, 2013, p. 133). Settlements are relatively small. Some comprise fewer than 20 households are located on public land on the bank of rivers, these are heterogeneous not only in terms of the ethnicity or caste of their residents but also in terms of their places of origin, present occupation and income, family structure and reason of squatting. In 1996, Government of Nepal formed the High Powered Bagmati Civilization Integrated Development Committee (HPBCIDC) with the aim of improving the environmental situation of Bagmati River and its tributaries but because of the political situation of Nepal, this committee couldn’t implement any concrete program. Since 2001, for the last eighteen years, Bagmati River Festival put forward by the Bagmati River Conservation Trust, as a platform for interested individuals and organizations to express their concerns and provide solutions to overcome the plight of Bagmati river. The partner organizations include many I/NGOs, I/GOs, academia, research and development organizations, business houses, local clubs, media, actors, singers and music bands, conservation campaigners and civil society. Government organizations lie Nepal Tourism Board, Sustainable Tourism Network, Kathmandu Metropolitan City, different Ministries and some I/NGOs along with donor communities, corporate and media houses etc. are providing minimum funding and technical support to organize, the events included in the BRF. The major attempt from the government’s side was made by forming Bagmati Environment Improvement Plan that talks about cleaning the riverfronts and river but does not state anything about improving the quality of residences living there. Furthermore, in May 2012 the government initiated to shift squatter settlements from there to other places but organized protest against government and support of some political parties this process stopped suddenly and reestablished the squatter settlements on the bank. Accurate and updated information about the squatter settlements along the Bagmati and its tributaries is essential for developing and implementing plans and programs for their efficient management (Desar, 2013).

2 STUDY AREAS Rapid urbanization, low socio-economic growth, inadequate capacity to cope with housing needs and poor governance has caused increase of urban poverty and slums and squatter settlements in the Kathmandu valley. The poverty alleviation strategy, National Shelter Policy 1996 and the land and housing development trend has ignored the urban housing of poor. However, lack of land right and tenure security has constrained for better life. There is a failure to close the gap of social legitimacy and legal legitimacy has been the major issue. The legal legitimacy refers to tenure security from legal perspective whereas social legitimacy is about tenure security from livelihood aspect. To reverse this situation, integration of both ‘top-down’ strategy and ‘bottom-up’ approach is essential. This thesis deals with researching a safer and affordable housing and redevelopment of the squatter community.

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3 OBJECTIVES The main aim of this study is to research about community design strategies for upgrading the quality of life of people living in the squatter settlements by providing them tenurial security with the right to work and live without any fear of getting evicted. 

 

A qualitative research of squatter settlements to explore people's feelings, perception and experiences of particular events and phenomenon more closely, a step towards redevelopment. To transform squatters to better living conditions, means of changing squatter from an eyesore to upgrading, a problem to finding the solution. To know the difference in creating a shelter and architecture.

4 LIMITATIONS The research studies only about the squatter settlements alongside the Bagmati river in brief but not others located inside the Kathmandu Valley.

5 METHODOLOGY OF DATA COLLECTION The following outlined methodology were followed for moving a step forward: A. Initiation  Definition of the architectural problem  Objective Analysis and understanding B. Literature Review and survey data collection  Existing scenario analysis  Primary data and secondary data collections  Inferences  Project review and requirement analysis C. Case Study  International, Regional and National Cases  Project Review and Inferences RESEARCH OBJECTIVES EXISTING SCENARIO STUDY LITERATURE REVIEW

INFERENCES AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FOR CASE STUDY

CASE STUDY

INFERENCES FROM THE STUDY Figure 1: Methodology of Study

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6 LITERATURE REVIEW: LIVELIHOOD OF SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS 6.1 Existing condition in Kathmandu Squatter settlements have gradually become an integral part of the urban fabric. Usually, a squatter settlement is highly organized despite being illegal. The occupants have clearly defined behavioral rules, spatial boundaries and methods of solving tenurial disagreements. Illegal housing is sold, land is subdivided and leased, and other transactions are possible as if the land or housing was legal. Table 1: Name of River and Nearby Squatter Settlements Nearby River Bagmati River

Name of Squatter Settlements Shanti Nagar, Bijay Nagar, Jagrit Nagar, Gairigaun, Chandani Tole, Pragati Tole, Kalimati Dole, Kimal Phant, Bansighat, Kuriyagaun and Sankhamul

Hanumante River Bishnumati River

Manohara Bhaktapur Dhikure Chouki, Kumaristhan Buddhajyoti Marga, Balaju Jagriti Tole, Sangam Tole, and Ranibari Santi Binayak, Devi Nagar, Bishal Nagar, Kupondole and Pathivara Narayantole, Maharajgung and Khadipakha Maharajgung Palpakot, Anamnagar, Maijubahal, Kumarigal, Radhakrishna Chowk, Mulpani, Kapan Dhungen, Subigaun, Ramhiti, Mahankal, Dhumbarahi Sukedhara, Mandhikhatar, Galfutar, Ramghat, Dhaukhel and Bhimmukteshwor

Dhobi Khola Tukucha Khola Other Locations

(Source: www.google.com/kathmandu/squatter-settlements: accessed in September, 2012)

Above table shows that total 11 settlements are residing on the bank of Bagmati River, 1 settlement on Hanumante River, 5 settlements on Bishnumati River, 5 settlements on Dhobikhola, 2 settlements on Tukucha and 16 settlements on the other locations in Kathmandu Valley. The squatter communities on the bank of Bagmati River are taken problematic rather than other settlements, it is because of the central location, heavy settlement area, and out of the sanitation and drinking water facilities (Desar, 2013, p. 130). Table 2: Population and No. of Households by Locations Location Bagmati Bishnumati Hanumante Dhobikhola Tukucha Others Total

Number of Settlements 1 5 1 5 2 16 40

Total Population 3903 1564 2422 1247 843 2747 12726

Male

Female

2052 768 1290 653 459 1390 6612

1851 796 1132 594 384 1357 6114

Total Households 863 306 589 271 176 530 2735

Average Size 4.5 5.1 4.1 4.6 4.8 5.2 4.7

(Source: Lumanti Bulletin, 2069 B.S.)

The 11 squatter settlements along the Bagmati River have 863 households which is 32% of the total squatter households in Kathmandu Valley. Above table shows most of the squatter settlements established near rivers. There are nearly 10000 people living in 2205 households in squatter settlements along river banks of the valley. Thus, a huge number of squatters are residing nearby river (Desar, 2013, p. 132).

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Figure 2: Ethnicity of Squatter Residents along Bagmati River (Source: www.google.com/kathmandu/squatter-settlements: accessed in September, 2012)

Above figure shows, the other category of ethnicity consists of mainly Brahmin, Chhetri, Giri, Puri and Thakali. The Janajati consists of more than 50castes such as Sherpa, Tamang, Magar, Gurung, Newar, Rai, Lama, Limbu etc. Dalit includes Pariyar, Deula and Kami. Madhesi includes Yadab, Thakur, Mahato, Jha etc. and Muslim includes Miya, Chureta, Khan etc. (Desar, 2013, p. 133). Increasing Trends of Squatter Households along Bagmati Riversides

Figure 3: Study of household numbers from 2007-2011 AD (Source:www.google.com/kathmandu/squatter-settlements/in-different-years: accessed in September, 2012)

6.2 SQUATTERS, ITS EFFECTS AND IMPACTS 6.2.1 Squatter Settlements and Impacts on Environment 

Sewage disposal without any treatment along Bagmati riverside, major source of water pollution turning the river virtually into an open drain.



Illegal sand mining on Bagmati river by the squatter community people has created several environmental problems.



Air pollution and land pollution caused by burning, dumping of solid wastes by the residents themselves.

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People residing in squatter settlements face many problems like improper sanitation, unhygienic environmental conditions, social, economic, health, educational and cultural problems and many more. Illegal sand mining on the river by the squatter community people has created several environmental problems. The basic problems inherent in slums are health hazards, lack of basic amenities like safe drinking water, proper housing, drainage and excreta disposal services, make slum population vulnerable to infections. Poor residents of these communities bear much of the immediate negative environmental and health impacts morbidity and mortality rates closely linked to environmental quality, namely infant mortality, diarrhea and respiratory diseases. This may multiply over the nearby other settlement areas and as a whole city may be at risk(Desar, 2013, p. 139). 6.2.2 Squatter Settlements and Economy It was observed that male member or the head of the family were the one who usually earns for the whole family, larger number of women was at home, most of the youths were unemployed, and there were also people with entrepreneur skills who had opened small restaurants and grocery shops mostly at the road side of the settlement. Most of those small restaurants where one could buy food to eat and drink, and small groceries shops were run by women. Whereas, the skilled work such as carpenter, constructions and driving were done by men. The parents in most of the family were employed or engaged partly or regularly at works however young people were mainly in search and need of squatter settlements upgrading projects. may have of huge amount specially to manage public site for housing, land to agriculture or employment, sanitation, drinking water, electricity, health, education, toilets, and other infrastructures. It was mentioned that mostly the young people could not utilize their time because of being unemployed, those who had jobs were not satisfied because there was not work for every day or the presence of wage slavery, marginalization due to unemployment and working poor, mostly the women in a house had to look after their children and among Mahaut ethnic group of people women were not allowed to work outside of their home due to their cultural barrier. The issue of partial unemployment or wage slavery among employed was common in Balkhu Settlement(Ramesh, 2014). “We are marginalized due to unemployment. We do not have work for every day.” The upgrading efforts by the government, typically, are one-time investments in infrastructure, for example through rationalizing and paving a road network, by providing water and sanitation systems, etc. and this after land invasions have determined the location and pattern of land development. This is not enough for breaking the barrier between urban poor and their livelihood problems.

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6.3 RESPONSE OF THE PRIVATE AND PUBLIC SECTOR TO HOUSING FOR URBAN POOR The housing sector in the valley (and Nepal) has witnessed a series of trend both in the built form and implementation practice in the last few decades from subsidized government’s housing production through site and services in the 1970s to land pooling projects in the 1980s and to private apartment construction in the 2000s. Project Year Kuleswore housing 1977 project

Features Housing for civil servants without house and land in the valley through land acquisition could not success

2

Guided Land 1988Development (GLD) 2003, and Land Pooling 1997 (LP) , Apartment Ownership Act 1997

Private housing and real estate companies started constructing private housing in the valley, 150 real estate companies registered to Nepal Land and Housing Development Association till now

4

National Shelter 1996, Policy 1996 and the 2002Tenth Development 2007 Plan (2002-2007)

Acknowledged the need to address housing issue for urban poor

1

Reasons of Failure Due to stiff resistance from the local land owners for low compensation of their lands, displacement of the original land owners, poor technical and managerial capabilities of Kathmandu Valley Town Development Committee, lack of coordination among various line agencies for timely provisions of physical infrastructures, delay in construction (assume to be completed in 2-3 years but took more than 10 years) and hence overrun of the estimated cost. Ongoing land pooling programs and housing development have benefitted to local landowners and high income group only, housing as a business venture and investment object for future high value speculation The market value of the serviced land returned to the landowners has increased as high as 300% to 600% (Karki, 2004), numerous financial institutions including government and private commercial banks providing wider range of housing loans based on different schemes with long term repayment period are of little useful for low income group as they have nothing to deposit as mortgage in the bank No policies and guidelines regarding how to implement projects benefitting poor are so far formulated

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5

Poverty Alleviation 2006 Fund Act

6

Kirtipur Housing Project, Urban Community Support Fund (UCSF) in collaboration between Kathmandu Metropolitan City, Lumanti Support Group for Shelter and several national and international development agencies

7

Squatters’ movement in Nepal

2009

Co-operate the poor person household or group for uplifting their economic and social status by identifying the root causes of poverty in local level and by utilizing the local know-how and resources through the medium of social mobilization Comprising of 44 number of two storey houses in six ropanies of land was built to resettle those displaced squatters from the construction of Vishnumati Link Road

Concerned with income generating programs but not housing and neighbourhood improvement

Though this project has demonstrated the success storey due to collaboration of funds and programs among different partners, nonetheless, poor space planning, long commuting distance for jobs at city centres, and social exclusion by the surrounding neighbours while collecting water from the public taps have diluted its achievement Ownership of land remains with UCSF and thus sale is restricted although residents could still exercise limited right such as renting

Led by Squatter Federation (Nepal Basobas Basti Samrakchan Samaj), The Nepal Women’s Unity Society (Nepal Mahila Ekata Samaj) and Lumanti Support Group for Shelter, has developed both national and regional networks through exchange visits with peer groups to share their experiences with savings and credit, upgrading housing, monitoring evictions and so on (Tanaka, 2009) Source: (Shrestha, 2006, p. 10)

Moreover, the government’s adaptation of National Building Code and provision of seismic design in structure of building while applying for building permit has little meaning for those living in slums and squatters, as such illegal settlements do not come under normal permit system and development control mechanism. Lack of information and reliable data of informal settlements has further constrained policies and programmes for upgrading and regularization of the areas(Shrestha, 2006, p. 10).

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6.4 CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 6.4.1 Poverty, Social Exclusion and Fear of Eviction 6.4.1.1 Poverty Poverty can be divided in two different forms; on the basis of subsistence poverty and relative poverty. According to Dixon & Macarov (1998), subsistence poverty is based on the survival that requires minimum level of income in order to purchase minimum amount of food intake to survive. Whereas, as stated by Smith (2009), relative poverty‟ people are viewed as poor in relation to the general living standards in society but not in relation to a subsistence standard. The Oxfam defines as; “A state of relative powerlessness in which people are denied the ability to control crucial aspects of their lives. Poverty is a symptom of deeply inequities and unequal power relationships, institutionalized through policies and practices at the levels of state, society, and household. People often lack money, land, or freedom because they are discriminated against on the grounds of one or more aspects of their personal identity – their class, gender, ethnicity, age, or sexuality: constraining their ability to claim and control the resources that allow them in life” (Ramesh, 2014, p. 13). 6.4.1.2 Social exclusion Social exclusion refers to the multiple and changing factors resulting in people being excluded from the normal exchanges, practices and rights of modern society. Poverty is one of the most obvious factors, but social exclusion also refers to inadequate rights in housing, education, health and access to services. It affects individuals and groups, particularly in urban and rural areas as it emphasizes the weaknesses in the social infrastructure and the risk of allowing a two-tier society to become established by default(Ramesh, 2014, pp. 13,14,15). Spatial exclusion or a residential segregation from the urban area is one of an existing feature of slum and squatter in today’s cities of a developing country. Usually slums often remain as an invisible part of a city. UNICEF describes it as an institutional discrimination whilst authorities systematically neglect the existence of a particular group of people and their rights. These groups have the characteristics such as underprivileged, excluded, discriminated, marginalized and stigmatized. Whereas, this perspective is supported by Vasas (2005) as he notes the relation with vulnerability and marginalization while marginalization resulting in disadvantage and injustice(Ramesh, 2014, pp. 15,16,17). 6.4.1.3 Fear of Eviction Eviction has three basic impacts on those affected: physical, economic and psychological (Desar, 2013, p. 135). Eviction reduces the housing stock of the city and ruins the economic value of the housing which may be small in real terms but big for the individual. It detaches the squatter from employment opportunities which are usually nearby or even in the settlement itself. It also uproots them from the community which functions as an economic and psychological safety net. The home is the center of everybody's lives and eviction, often forceful, is a very traumatic experience, especially for the children. While the eviction is a traumatic experience in itself, the most harmful impact of eviction may actually be the fear of 071/B.ARCH./513

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being evicted. The fear makes people fatalistic, loses confidence in them and discourages them from improving their housing. The squatter environment is the perfect breeding ground for a wide range of social and environmental problems. High unemployment often causes men to stay around the home growing increasingly frustrated with their pathetic situations and the worsening poverty. Cramped conditions mean that there is nowhere to go when tensions rise, a factor that regularly, leads to domestic violence. Sometimes the situation goes to the other extreme, where people abandon their homes, lured by the prospect of stupor through alcohol or drug abuse. 6.4.2 Types of Upgrading Techniques for Slums and Squatters 6.4.2.1 On site Upgrading It is a way of improving the physical environment and basic services in existing communities, while preserving their location, character and social structures. Usually, the houses, lanes, roads and open spaces are improved, without changing the layout or plot sizes. Besides improving the physical conditions and quality of life in these poor communities, the physical improvements made under an upgrading process can act as a springboard for other kinds of development among community members such as income generation, welfare and community enterprises. 6.4.2.2 On site Re-blocking Amore systematic way of improving the infrastructure and physical conditions in existing communities by making some adjustments to the layout of houses and roads to install sewers, drains, walkways and roads, but doing so in ways which ensure the continuity of the community. Communities can then develop their housing gradually, at their own pace. Re-blocking is often done in cases where communities have negotiated to buy or obtain long term leases for the land they already occupy. In both cases, the process of reblocking is an important step in the progress towards land tenure security and improved housing. Figure 4: Re-blocking of settlement

6.4.2.3 Land Sharing It is a housing and settlement improvement strategy which allows both the land owner and the community people living on that land to benefit. After period of negotiation and planning, an agreement is reached to share the land where the settlement is divided into two portions. The community is given sold or leased one portion (usually the less commercially attractive part of the site) for reconstructing their housing and the rest of the land is returned to the land owner to develop.

Figure 5: Land Sharing

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There is no rule about how the land is divided: the amount of land the people get and how much goes back to the owner is settled during the negotiations. The people may end up with less area than they had before, and the land owner may get back less than all of his land, but the tradeoff is that the poor will no longer be squatters but the legal owners or tenants of their lands. And the land owner finally gets to develop the land. 6.4.2.4 On site reconstruction In this upgrading strategy, existing communities are totally demolished and rebuilt in the same land, either under a long term lease or after the people have negotiated to purchase the land. The new security of land tenure on the already occupied land often provides community people with very strong incentive to invest in their housing through rebuilding or new construction. Reconstruction also allow communities on low lying land to first raise the level of the land above flood lines before investing in proper housing. Although the reconstruction option involves making considerable physical changes within the community and requires some adaptations to new environment, the strategy allows people to continue living in the same place and to remain close to their places of work and vital support systems. This continuity is a crucial compensation for the expense and difficulty reconstruction involves.

Figure 6: Reconstruction of settlement

6.4.2.5 Nearby or Not so nearby Relocation The greatest advantage of the relocation strategy is that it usually comes with housing security, through land use rights, outright ownership or some kind of long term land lease. Relocation sites can sometimes be far from existing communities, job opportunities, support structures, school. In these cases, community members who want to keep their old jobs or attend the same schools must bear the burden of additional travelling time and expense and must adopt themselves to a new environment. But in many towns and cities around the country, resourceful communities are finding bits of land to buy or rent cheaply for their housing that are not far away at all. In all cases of relocation, whether it is nearby or not so nearby, communities face the cost of reconstructing their houses at the new site and in some cases the additional burden of land purchase payments. But tenure security, tends to be a big incentive to invest in housing and environmental development at the new community(CODI, 2008).

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6.4.3 Environmental Psychology In every moment of our lives, we are in one place or another, interacting with and within that place. Environmental psychology is the science and practice for understanding and optimizing these crucial transactions. Environmental psychology is the study of how we, as individuals and as part of groups, interact with our physical settings—how we experience and change the environment, and how our behavior and experiences are changed by the environment. In environmental psychology, “environment” includes both natural and built settings, that is, natural resources, parks, homes, workplaces, public spaces, from the personal scale to the room, building, neighborhood, urban, wilderness, and global scales (Environmental Psychology, Enhancing the World, p. 4). Are architects able to design buildings whose frameworks help to promote the creativity and reduce social and internal dissonance of people and try to increase its efficiency in the environment? What separates Environmental Psychology from the other branches of psychology is examining the relation between behavior based on the human psyche and the physical environment. With a rich and diverse set of quantitative indicators to specify distances in many ways which are associated to a variety of psychological reactions, including the choice of routes while transfers, orientation and disorientation, the acquisition of knowledge of space, perceived spaciousness, privacy and social interaction, stress, and fear, and aesthetic judgments (Akbari, 2016, p. 810). 6.4.3.1 Fields that lie under study of environmental psychology 

Perception and evaluation of buildings and natural landscapes

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Cognitive mapping, spatial cognition, and wayfinding

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Ecological consequences of human actions

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Design of, and experiences related to, the physical aspects of workplaces, schools, residences, public buildings, and public spaces

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Leisure and tourism behavior in relation to their physical settings

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Meaning of built forms

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Psychological and behavioral aspects of people and architecture

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Theories of place, place attachment, and place identity

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Psychological aspects of resource management and crises

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Environmental risks and hazards: perception, behavior, and management

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Stress related to physical settings

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Social use of space: crowding, privacy, territoriality, personal space (Ackerman, 2018)

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6.4.3.1.1 Social use of space Territorial behavior in humans is biologically as well as culturally based. The ability of the environment to afford privacy through territorial control is important because it allows the fulfillment of some basic human needs:   

Need for identity, associated with the needs for belonging, self-esteem and selfactualization, is the need to know who one is and what role one plays in society. Need for stimulation concerned with self-fulfillment and self-actualization. Need for security: to be free from censure, to be free from outside attack, to possess selfconfidence.

Human territories vary considerably in size and locale, not only are they of place but of artifacts and ideas as well, and they are marked by a wide array of physical barriers and symbolic makers. Hussein El-Sharkawy and Oscar Newaman identify four types of territory with the concerns of environmental design (Lang, 1987, p. 148): a. Attached Highly personalized private space, one's personal "space bubble". b. Central Highly personalized and defended private space, one's home, a student's room, or a work station, unless there is strong administrative opposition to it. c. Supporting Either semiprivate or semipublic. Semiprivate spaces tend to be owned in association, while semipublic are not owned by the users, who, nevertheless, still feel they have some possession over them. The former consist of places such as residents' lounges in dormitories, swimming pools in residential complexes, front lawns of houses, that are under the surveillance of others; the latter include such places as corner stores, local taverns, and sidewalks in front of houses. d. Peripheral Public space that may be used by individuals or a group but are not possessed or personalized or claimed by them. The way the environment is laid out directly affects people's perceptions of what kind of space they are in. These perceptions are highly culture-specific. It must be remembered that the layout of the environment does not cause or stop criminal activity. The roots of criminal activity lie in the social and cultural structure and environment of a society. A defensible space is a living residential environment which can be employed by its inhabitants for the enhancement of their lives while providing security for their families, neighbors and friends with a range of mechanisms-real and symbolic barriers, strongly defined areas of influence, and improved opportunities for surveillance (Lang, 1987, p. 153).

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Newman identifies four characteristics of the layout of the environment that on their own or in conjunction with each other create defensible space. They are: a. Clear hierarchical definition of territories from public to semipublic, semiprivate to private: The use of symbolic barriers such as surface textures, steps, lamp posts, and bollards, or of real barriers such as walls. It works because it subdivides a development into zones over which people establish proprietary interests. b. Positioning of doors and windows to provide natural surveillance opportunities over entrances and open areas: When people can see the public and semipublic areas of their environments as part of their day-to-day activities (]acobs 1961, Angel 1968, Newman 1972, (Lang, 1987, p. 153)) this reduces the possibility of unseen antisocial behavior. c. Use of building forms and materials that are not associated peculiarly with vulnerable populations: When the massing, site planning, and materials have positive associations for people as predicted by balance-theory models (F. Heider 1946) d. Location of residential developments in "functionally sympathetic" areas where residents are not threatened": Reduces sources of antisocial behavior

Figure 7: Territorial hierarchy in space design Source: Interior Architectural Elements that Affect Human Psychology and Behavior

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6.4.3.1.2 Architecture Considerations affecting Human Psychological and Behavior The psychological attitude of a human is affected by the design of interior architecture through various aspects. Every person receives, perceives and responds in different way, this is due to physical and psychological differences in addition to the differences in personal experience. Culture, physical status, age, education level, gender, socioeconomic class and ambitions are factors with special concerns that shaping occupants’ needs. The mental and psychological effects of architectural frames on human beings have been considered from the early shelters to today ́ s modern structure. "One of the essential roles of architecture is to provide built environments that sustain the occupants’ psychological well-being. This role is made even more important because, in modern society, more than 70% of a person’s lifespan is spent indoors" (Mahmoud, p. 1).

Figure 10: Factors impacts on Human Psychology Source: Interior Architectural Elements that Affect Human Psychology and Behavior

Figure 8: Scope of environment –behavior information

Figure 9: Dimensions and sub-dimensions of home comfort

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6.4.3.1.2.1 Interior architecture consideration for identity    

Design should demonstrate the background and motives of residents. Design should demonstrate the structure of religions, cites, families and neighborhoods. Usage of local materials and technique such as plaster, stone and marble. Architectural treatments of openings, windows and doors, especially in the main entrance framing and decoration.  The diversity and richness of arts and architectural treatments that belong to the local and national tradition.  Social and special niches, signs and icons.  "The level of modern influence by western and international style concepts in comparison to the accustomed norm of the traditional architecture of the region can be categorized as follows: − Copying the traditional architecture of the region without any modifications with no change. − Minor changes: Partial change of system elements − Adaptations: Mixing the source with new elements − Major changes: Changing the system relation − Total changes: Altering the system rules and regulations" (Mahmoud, pp. 3,4) 6.4.3.1.2.2 Interior architectural considerations for privacy             

Public and private spaces should be clearly defined by means of applicable well-defined boundaries The degree of interrelationship and connectivity with adjacent spaces. The type of mass zone and courtyard which is surrounding the space. The difference between the street level and the ground floor level. Number of entrances, is there one entrance or more. The implementation of privacy practices through a monitoring service. The type of transitional space behind each access and the degree of exposure to inside spaces. Type of walls and insulation partition. The type of main movement system, even if it’s radial, is linked to one axis or another The style, size and direction of openness (windows, doors) regarding the overall size and orientation. Kitchen design and type (closed or open plan kitchen). The orientation of private rooms' doors and openings toward the open and living spaces. Roof type, degree of exposure to inside spaces (Mahmoud, p. 4).

6.4.3.1.2.3 Interior architectural considerations for functionality and flexibility  

  

User flexibility is to provide dwellers with a variety of possibilities to sub-divide given dwelling space and use it in the best possible manner. Maximum & optimum utilization of the interior space requires flexible design of furniture in the space. Many furniture pieces are designed using folding patterns or drawers included with mechanical or electrical features and this furniture can the interior space very efficient through ergonomic and human fitness. Apply appropriate design for windows and doors to adopt all diverse physical abilities. Adopt the concept of one space that can reflect different social functions. Sufficient lighting in the kitchen, over bathroom, hand-basin and work areas. 071/B.ARCH./513

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      

Select a wall system that offers a complete range of options from private space to open plans In public buildings, the lobby should be broken down into smaller areas, where groups can gather. Select durable floors, ceilings and walls finishing materials. Select durable furniture designs and materials. Ensure adequate cable interfaces with precise placements to offers appropriate degrees of flexibility. The kitchen design should incorporate work surfaces for both standing and seated use. Increase the size of desk tops surfaces and maximize vertical space (Mahmoud, pp. 5,6).

6.4.3.1.2.4 Interior architectural considerations for safety and health concerns              

Ensure safety fence with secured access to the interior space. Signs should be useful with adequate size with right orientation and clear text and figures. Avoid sudden changes of level which could trip people, if they are present, it must be made clearly visible with contrasting colors. Convenient entrances, people should be able to safely enter and exit without obstruction. Make the floor slip-resistant, non-reflective light, glare-free and easy to clean. Solid core construction for interior spaces doors. Enhance the levels of lighting where it’s needed, it should also be easy to control and adjust. Enhance the implementation of safety practices with technical equipment such as intercom system and security. Cameras with monitoring response service. Stairs should be in appropriate width, right steps dimension, strong handrails and adequate lighting. The appropriate distribution of appliances in accurate positions such as stoves. Install automatic smoke detector system. Choose comfortable and safe furniture with healthy design. Maximize the daylight availability through opening (windows - doors) dimensions, materials and design (Mahmoud, pp. 6,7).

6.4.3.1.2.5 Interior architectural considerations for the aesthetic aspect           

Express the aesthetics and beauty of a certain space through using the main factors: form, texture, color & light Textural contrast sensibility has its direct impact on the mind based on our memory of touching similar surfaces. The impression of color is categorized within the maximum impact of space factors that interact with the psychological mood. Light can be used to achieve emotional responses. We can produce certain moods such as restfulness, activity, warmth, and coolness through using lighting patterns of varying levels of illumination. Maximize the use of natural lights in compatible balance with artificial light. Estimate the appropriate contrast between floor, walls and ceilings. Choose color plans based on the analysis of color preferences of users and residents. Appropriate geometric lines and ornamental decorations. Display interesting artworks, photos and other personal items. Ensure convenient relations between the major pieces of furniture, walls, and floors regarding the size and balance. Find a balance between unity and variety, too much unity without variety is boring and too much variation without unity is confusing (Mahmoud, p. 9).

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6.5 Inferences from Literature Review Starting from the study of existing conditions of the squatter settlement in Kathmandu, riverbank seems to be the area that highly attracts the squatter communities. People residing in squatter settlements face many problems like improper sanitation, unhygienic, environmental conditions, social, economic, health, educational and cultural problems and many more. The basic problems inherent in slums are health hazards, lack of basic amenities like safe drinking water, proper housing, drainage and excreta disposal services, make slum population vulnerable to infections. The squatter environment is the perfect breeding ground for a wide range of social and environmental problems. The residents in the squatters face the psychological problems from high unemployment, poverty, social exclusion and fear of eviction. For decades the issue related to the poor families living in the slums and squatter settlements have not been addressed well. The Government of Nepal has no proper plan with full of commitments to shift them from there to other places for the improvement of their situation and environment. Those policies and plans that had been made had various flaws and the major reason for that was lack of community participation and approval. Instead of promoting a single development model for improving housing and living conditions and securing tenure security, a range of options were discussed that have been tested by the communities. As the work scales up and spreads out, these strategies can be expanded, refined and adapted to suit the particular needs, aspirations and conditions in each community and city. The various literatures related to environmental psychology has contributed in how to create not just a sustainable community but also a productive one. There is a co-relation between our ability to call an area our own and our psychological comfort with it and our willingness to look after it. The way in which buildings and the spaces between them are designed affects people's perceptions of who should be in control of them. The successful design for achieving welfare and happiness of interior architecture depends on how the designer finds a balance between the most dominant factors such as identity, privacy, safety, accessibility, functionality, flexibility, community interaction, and the provision of adequate space, should be given due weight. Hence, the success of setting up interior architectural design can be achieved with active psychological conception judged by how the design fulfills values, needs, preferences and satisfactions of users. Thus, these literatures were helpful in giving same tactics on how to transform the poor living conditions into improved quality of life for squatter settlements through architectural design.

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7 FRAMEWORK FOR CASE STUDY Following strategic points analyzed from the literature study formed the basis for further case studies:

Planning strategies used for effective upgrading of quality of life for squatters, are they successful to make a productive community?

Plans and policies to encourage providing balance between social and legal legitimacy

Construction technology that responds to the context

Spatial planning that incorporate the economic, social and cultural aspect of the community

Difference between creating shelter and creating architecture

Are there any squatter redevelopment projects that can be applicable in Kathmandu?

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8 CASE STUDY 8.1 Ramhiti 8.1.1 Introduction A model for community development established 40 years ago, Ramhiti is squatter settlement near Boudha with over 120 households. The settlement has organized multiple community-led projects including running a school, building roads, organizing local banking systems and installing solar power road lights. Lakpa Lama has been the community leader for the past 18 years. He claimed that these community projects start with asking “how do we make a stronger community?” Lakpa Lama said these projects are created through democratic processes. Because of their democratic processes, he stated that all families are active participants in designing and implementing these projects. For example, Pasang Tamang is a community member of Ramhiti who moved to the settlement a decade ago for job opportunities, but could not afford the cost of living in Kathmandu. The community helped him open his tea shop by offering him a loan. Locals also contributed to physically constructing his business. Pasang Tamang is now a highly-involved community member and volunteers his spare time without pay to implementing community projects, such as building and expanding the school and paving roads (Brooks, 2016, pp. 29,30).

Figure 11: Ramhiti Squatter Settlement

8.1.2 Features of the development project a. Education through school and community centre Education is necessary for socioeconomic mobility. Motivated to provide quality education for the youth, the community funded and built a private boarding school. The government has acknowledged the success of the school and now is a partner by providing safe drinking water and additional teachers. Community centers in squatter settlements are hubs for community activities and meetings. These centers offer a space for interaction and education. Many centers offer after school and tutoring programs for local students, some even double as early childhood development centers. Preparing youth for better education, these programs expose students to the value of education and how education can improve their livelihoods. These education programs also

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provide security for children when their parents need to work, reducing the chances of children being exploited. b. Safety and security Installing solar power street lights is a new project the community has taken on to promote safety. The community funded 15 percent of the costs and contributed local labor to install the street lights. Paving the local roads is another example of the community taking responsibility for implementation while partnering with government and development agencies for funding support. The community voluntarily paved the roads and raised part of the funds necessary for the project. c. Mobilizing Within Communities Squatters face multiple barriers to saving their money in banks or receive loans because many do not have citizenship certificates or enough assets to borrow from banks. Saving and credit co-operatives within squatter settlements reduce barriers to accessing loans and encourage small-scale saving habits for long term economic security. Loans are used for funding higher education, sending youth abroad for work so they can send back remittance, expanding homes and starting businesses. Moti Lama explained that savings groups are not only about collecting money, but a means to build community by “sharing happiness and uniting people to save together and keep everyone accountable” (Brooks, 2016). d. Personal and Professional Development The community conducts awareness and skill building trainings for women and children. Trainings teach women about their rights, domestic violence, life skills, literacy and IGAs such as creating art, bags and jewelry to sell. Women’s groups empower women to participate in their social and economic development and provide emotional support. These groups also act as the basis for saving and credit co-operatives and training opportunities for women with little formal education and skills. According to Bhagavati Adhikari, women have especially benefited from the savings and credit groups because it a tool for empowerment, enabling women greater access to economic opportunity and financial autonomy (Brooks, 2016). Youth groups teach children about their rights and act as a space to advocate for the community. Youth make crafts and art, perform in shows and design magazines that create awareness about injustices that squatter settlements face. Topics for recent youth advocacy campaigns include domestic violence and child labor laws.

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8.2 Dharavi, Mumbai 8.2.1 Introduction The Dharavi slum in Mumbai is a sprawling 525‐acre mosaic of matchbox houses with rickety roofs and questionable sanitation housing over one million residents in the centre of India’s glitzy financial capital of Mumbai. Today the government of Maharahstra is looking to redevelop Dharavi without a clear and detailed idea of how many people live and work there and how its large and diverse economy functions. No one knows how many people live and work in Dharavi; estimates vary from 350,000 to 600,000. Dharavi’s residents, like most slum dwellers around the world, live in illegal housing units lacking basic amenities and suffer from social exclusion. A lack of recognized land titles relinquishes the government from its responsibility of providing the residents with basic public services like water and sanitation leaving its residents at the mercy of the local mafia for the provision of goods (Arputham).

Figure 12: Dharavi is located in the centre of the city, surrounded by wealthy neighbourhoods

Figure 13: Dharavi's sprawling layout with match box houses

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8.2.2 Problems faced by the residents This issue of unaffordable rental housing and distortions in the Mumbai land market began with the introduction of the Maharashtra Rent Control Act of 1999. The law exacerbated the problem of inadequate housing and the immobility of tenants, and also produced a mismatch between prices and household incomes. In such a highly regulated market, developers have no incentive to provide affordable housing, and thus only develop luxury or semi‐luxury apartments that cater to a small segment of the population (Arputham) Poor sanitation is also a major problem in slums. Many of Dharavi’s residents live in the highly industrial parts of the slums where waste water from leather tanning and cloth dyes flows in the streets, exposing the residents to health hazards like diarrhoea, cholera, malaria and parasitic infections. Residents are often excluded from a clean water supply, which both increases their risk of contracting diarrheal diseases and also poses a serious threat of cross contamination due to illegal tapping of the city’s water pipes. Some efforts have been made by the government in the last five years to provide tap water, electricity and pipe gas connections to households. A lack of clean toilets still remains an issue: because many houses do not have attached bathrooms, roughly ten houses share one ill‐maintained communal bathroom. The practice of open defecation is common and presents health and safety issues like diarrhoea, enteropathy and even death. 8.2.3 Features of Dharavi settlement Dharavi is not a new ‘squatter settlement’ formed by recent migrants (as it is sometimes portrayed). It has a long history. Many of its residents were borne here. Dharavi was already listed on maps of Mumbai over 100 years ago. Originally a fishing village on the edge of Mumbai, as the city grew so new trades developed. In the burgeoning, glamorous city of Mumbai, Dharavi is often perceived as a shameful eye sore for the city’s inhabitants. But within its 223 hectares are concentrated extraordinary range possibilities for development. a. It houses industries and other enterprises producing embroidered garments, export quality leather goods, pottery, soap, cutlery, food and a great range of recycling enterprises. b. It certainly has an annual turnover work several hundred million dollars. It probably contributes far more to the Indian economy than most special economic zones. c. It also provides incomes and livelihoods for hundreds of thousands of Mumbai citizens who would otherwise have no employment. d. It also provides cheap accommodation. Conditions may be poor and most housing very overcrowded but Dharavi is one of the few central locations in Mumbai with cheap accommodation – even if this is renting a bed in a room shared with many others. e. The slum also contains 28 temples, 11 mosques, 6 churches, 50 banks and 60 government schools.

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While the slum is essentially a collection of cramped shanties, the land on which it sits has an estimated value of over $1.3 billion due to its prime location at the intersection of two major railway lines and proximity to Mumbai’s central business district. Amidst the poor living conditions, constant political tugs‐of‐war and neglect, Dharavi has emerged as a shining example of human enterprise. It even hosts its own mobile design museum, where residents showcase items produced in the slum, emphasizing the fact that Dharavi’s residents have been able to create a good community life for themselves despite neglect from the local government (Gurnani, 2018).

Figure 14: Map of human activity in Dharavi

8.2.4 Attempts Taken for Redevelopment of Dharavi The state government of Maharashtra has long recognized the issue of overcrowded living conditions in Dharavi as well as the added complexities of high land value and deeply entrenched communities, most of whom are second generation residents in Dharavi. The government’s attempts at redevelopment have been ongoing since 1971. However, even after years of drafting and redrafting plans, only one small sector of five of the slum has been redeveloped, with no sign of further developments in the area.

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Source: (Gurnani, 2018) Walking through Dharavi, it is also possible to see the kinds of redevelopments that can work careful in-situ developments that expand living and working areas. For instance, moving from one to three story buildings with piped water and toilets installed. There are also grassroots organizations in each of the 85 neighbourhoods within Dharavi which can help design and manage such redevelopments. UDRI (Urban Design Research Institute) had launched an international competition, called Reinventing Dharavi, to select the best ideas for the endlessly stretching issue of Dharavi development. Twenty teams, with more than 150 members from 21 different countries, submitted proposals. The competition’s only requirement was that the teams were interdisciplinary, in order to address the complex housing, work, financing, health, sanitation, recreation and legal issues (Carr, 2015). The proposals ranged from bathroom towers that moonlight as public spaces, to an annual festival, to a collective brand that would increase marketing power and recognition of the area’s diverse products.

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A fresh and stimulating idea by one proposal from a Dutch team, entitled The Game is On!, honed in on the vibrancy of Dharavi’s street life. The children’s cricket matches, tea sellers, and fruit vendors must be used as the starting point for gradually improving living conditions. Their concept, which won an honourable mention, proposed to bring local stakeholders together to “co-create” a plan for the streets and squares that zigzag between the tightly knit neighbourhoods. The process of street-led upgrading forms a frame for people to start upgrading their houses and workspaces, or to define places for communal buildings. It’s a way to gradually improve living conditions without disturbing social coherence or destroying a historically grown situation (Carr, 2015).

Figure 15: Turning external forces into qualities. Competition entry, The Game Is On!

Figure 16: Redevelopment of the negar (neighbourhood) in competition entry, The Game Is On!

But it was a team from Mumbai that took first prize, for a most novel idea: scrap all plans and begin again. The group, called Plural, asked a question that has been missing in all these decades of discussion: “How would residents envision their future if they had their rights?” The rights being denied to them, argued Plural, are the right to entitlement, the right to participate and the right to livelihood. Inspired by Gandhi’s notion of land as a community inheritance, the group proposed that current landowners in Dharavi: the biggest of which is the government release all ownership rights to a Dharavi Community Land Trust. This trust would be a non-profit corporation, governed by former landowners, community members and neighborhoods associations (Carr, 2015).

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Its first task would be to understand the needs of each of the existing 156 nagars (neighbourhoods), before developing accordingly. The idea shows promise: one of the major hindrances to redevelopment has been the complexities of land ownership, from various government agencies to private owners. The trust would solve that problem in a stroke. There have been proposals on Dharavi since the 1970s, but the problem is that they’ve never included the people themselves.

Figure 17: Transforming squares into neighbourhood centres in Dharavi, Plural

Rather than showcasing glossy images and plans, the project involves the residents in development from the get-go. But influencing the current trajectory will be no insignificant task. There’s a sobering precedent: Mumbai’s abandoned mill area, which was primed for affordable housing is instead now lined with luxury malls and hotels. A similar debate is raging over how to redevelop the eastern waterfront. The new plan to redevelop Dharavi increases that density to inhumane proportions. Although the tower-block buildings offer amenities such as toilets, they also threaten to destroy the fabric of a community in which homes, roofs and outdoor spaces transform into places of work and social interaction: the only way many of the micro-enterprises can operate. Dharavi’s design is not an accident, it responds to the social ties and economic needs of the community. 8.3 DESIGN STRATEGIES FOR DEVELOPING THE INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS BY MANGALISO CHIMA AND MICHAEL MURPHY 8.3.1 Introduction The information is based on the observation of presentations given by two architects Mangaliso Chima and Michael Murphy organized by Ted Talks on how to build safe and affordable architecture that responds to the context of informal settlements and architecture that heals the people, a productive environment respectively. Certain design strategies were discussed which I wanted to include in my case study as they were good examples that fit my criteria for further design process.

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8.3.2 Design Strategies for Informal Settlements: Mangaliso Chima Mangaliso Chima is an African Architect, with four years of professional experience, graduating from the University of Malawi Polytechnic in 2012. In the presentation, he shares his experience from growing up in filthy and poor living conditions in an informal settlement called Mihisi in Malawi to becoming a socially active architect for creating safer and affordable housing. Mihisi had poor sanitation, people used to live in mud huts, drinking water provision were near the pit latrines and one toilet was used by many community members. He lost his best friends due to cholera and poor living conditions. Later, for further studies he went to his aunt’s house in the city of Lilongwe where he was astonished to see proper road networks with drainage systems, houses with toilets inside, clean drinking water running through the houses and fences providing security to the houses. He was encouraged by the good living conditions and invested his time and worth in studying architecture to create good living conditions for his hometown. He discusses three design strategies to create a safer and healthier housing and its environment that can contribute in developing the living conditions of informal settlements (Chima, 2016): 8.3.2.1 Courtyard Housing Mangaliso was appointed to design low cost housing for about 300 houses in Lilongwe that would respond to the people’s culture. Initially, they tried to design row houses with front and back garden but the project took a lot of space to build and due to client’s low budget they did not have option for vertical expansion. He then came up with the idea of courtyard designing where trees were planted at the centre and all other activities would radiate from there. Courtyards with trees at the centre reflected the culture of Africa as people would always gather under the tree for resting, grandfathers would tell stories to the children and other social interactions within the courtyard. In Kathmandu, courtyard housing is also famous for encouraging social interactions between the people living in the community for a strong bond and security. Apart from this, courtyards provide natural light and ventilations inside the houses that would promote healthier living environment. Another advantage of courtyard housing is for providing a number a housing units within a small space in a comfortable and accepted way with shared garden space as courtyard. While Figure 18: Row housing to courtyard housing: Saving more space and more productivity the parents are working inside the house, children can play in the courtyard with safety. 071/B.ARCH./513

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8.3.2.2 Incremental Housing Mangaliso started this design strategy in Salima by building 21 houses and due to its success the idea has spread all over Salima. Incremental housing is a step-by-step process. It goes by different names (starter house, phased-development house, owner-driven house), but fundamentally, incremental housing is an integral urban development process, building housing communities and citizens. It is not quick, immediate or complete, but choice remains with the owner. It starts with a starter core shelter. The starter core may be a kitchen/bathroom unit or just a bare lot with utility connection potential. But recommended is a multi-purpose room with basic kitchen/bath facilities. Owners control the expansion of their housing based on their needs and resources. Incremental housing is an affordable way to rapidly resettle many families at a minimum housing and services level by linking the energy of families with the large-scale city planning. It provides secure title and maximum flexibility in housing decisions.

Figure 19: Incremental Housing Strategies

8.3.2.3 Make better use of what you have In case of slum who have developed, there is not much that can be done as you cannot demolish all the buildings and wake up one day and build new houses for the slum. Mangaliso encourages participation of the communities in redevelopment of their own communities in providing good sanitation measures, proper road networks with good drainage systems, construction of toilets and bathrooms and provision of clean drinking water in the community. Building shelters is not enough, providing good living environment through community gathering and participation in development programs is also essential for a sustainable community. 071/B.ARCH./513

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8.3.3 Architecture that can heal: Michael Murphy Michael Murphy questions why is it that the best and greatest architecture, all so beautiful and innovative is so rare and serves very few. What more can be done with creative architecture that can serve the people. On his encounter with Dr. Paul Farmer, a leading social activist for global poor, he was talking about architecture. Farmer stated if a hospital building itself has dirty corridors and poor planning, where is good architecture that can heal people. Murphy was appointed to design a hospital building in Rwanda by Dr. Farmer and there he came up with design strategies like connecting the patients with the outdoor environment and promoting the natural lighting and ventilations rather than air conditioning systems. Designing is one thing and building it was another. Whilst the construction phase, Murphy encountered the site engineer, Bruce Nizeye, who had a different view of architecture than what had been taught in the college. Bruce believed in the process of healing rather than just designing a building that can heal. The site where the building had to be built was on a hilltop, unreachable by the bulldozers in terms of affordability and it had to be excavated. Bruce insisted in using a lo-fab technique called as Ubudehe, which meant community works by the community. Hundreds of people came to that site with shovels and hoes and they excavated the site in half the time and half the cost that has been estimated for using the bulldozer. The next thing was that master carpenters were called to train the local people for making the furniture to be used in the hospital.

Figure 20: Construction by the active participants of the community for the community

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Local masons and labors were hired from different background and half of them were women, who knew the local architecture of the site and it later contributed in designing the facades of the building. The abundant locally available stones and small rocks which were the cause of nuisance for the farmers were used as the building material. They were cut so well and fitted to each other that the client later suggested to rip down other walls and make it again with the wellcut stones. Hence, it was a process of building to heal not just for the sick but the community as a whole.

Figure 21: Process of converting the unused rubbles as aesthetically vibrant building material by the people of Rwanda

Hence, the locally fabricated way of building or lo-fab technique has four pillars: hire locally, source regionally, train where you can and think the design as an opportunity to invest in the dignity of the places where you serve (Murphy, 2016). The beauty of this project comes from the fact that the walls and roofs that have been constructed are made and cut by the community people themselves, with their knowledge and their skills. Architecture can be transformative engine for change.

8.4 INFERENCES FROM CASE STUDY Any commercial developer will want to restrict the number of people they have to rehouse which is easily done. Only rehousing those who have ‘proof of residency’ that many squatter dwellers cannot produce. Even if they do rehouse everyone, they are not likely to allow the residents much say in what kind of housing and where it is. It is very unlikely that the housing they get will make provision for their livelihoods. Most conventional low income housing strategies focus on the physical aspects of housing and treat housing as an individual need, to be provided to poor families individually. The individual approach may work for better off people, but not for the poor, whose position at the bottom of the economic ladder leaves them especially vulnerable when they are alone. But while squatters may be weak in financial terms but they are particularly rich in social terms. There is no denying that more poor people will increase under haphazard urbanization and the old conventional approaches won’t be able to fulfill the growing housing demands. A new approach where poor people themselves work together and bring their huge energy and social force to the task of delivering secure, affordable housing to everyone. This concept of community driven housing development process, where communities are in charge, social actors and major mechanism, the complex housing solutions become cheaper, better, more appropriate and it can reach a wide scale for development. 071/B.ARCH./513

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9 CONCLUSION The formation and growth of squatter settlements in urban areas is a complex phenomenon that cannot be explained exclusively as a place for shelter. Squatter settlements will continue to be actors in their own development regardless of support by government. This study found that squatter settlements mobilize internally to improve their quality of life through community driven projects that address needs in education, savings and credit co-operatives, skill building and basic infrastructure. However, security of tenure, a fundamental element of the right to adequate housing, cannot be protected at the community level. Squatter settlements depend on government to ensure security of tenure and eliminate the fear of forceful eviction. Security of tenure promotes livelihood, which is how government should view this situation rather than a matter of legality. Focusing only on illegal encroachment of public land hinders government’s ability to create policies that recognize and address the complex causes and consequences instigating the phenomenon of squatting. Negative attitudes towards squatters creates a divide between formal settlements and squatter settlements. Such division isolates squatters from social, economic and political arrangements and devalues their role in urban spaces. However, integration will only be possible if government can commit to their inclusion. Further research should be conducted to analyze the relationship between civil society and squatter settlements and how this relationship affects development processes. Many squatter settlements in Kathmandu are developing into organize communities that are ready to negotiate with government. Community leaders want to participate in decision-making processes that affect their livelihood. Once partners of development, government and squatters can collaborate to design resettlement programs and slum upgrading policies that meet the needs of both stakeholders. Negotiating terms of resettlement and relocation will not be a simple task, but the only method to ensure that resettlement is sustainable requires squatters to be included in the process. Ultimately, squatter settlements must be integrated into urban development for Kathmandu to become a sustainable, inclusive and resilient city.

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References Ackerman, C. (2018, December 19). What is Environment Psychology(Theories+ Examples). Retrieved February 25, 2019, from https://positivepsychologyprogram.com/environmentalpsychology/ Akbari, P. (2016). Archirecrural design based on Environmental Psychology Perspectives. 810. doi:10.7456/1060JSE/049 Arputham, J. (n.d.). An offer of partnership or a promise of conflict. Retrieved February 26, 2019, from http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/G02314.pdf Ashokkumar Shrestha, D. P. (2017). Livelihoods of Squatter Settlements: Analysis from Tenure Perspective . Netherlands. Brooks, R. (2016). Relocation, Resistance and Resilience: Squatter Community Responses to Government Interventions for Urban Development in kathmandu. Retrieved from https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/2505 Carr, C. (2015, February 18). The best idea to redevelop Dharavi slum? Scrap the plans and start again. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/feb/18/best-ideasredevelop-dharavi-slum-developers-india Chima, M. (2016, September 2). Design Strategies for Informal Settlements | Mangaliso Chima | TEDxLilongwe. Lilongwe, Africa: Youtube. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/5UI07DN1HMA?t=430 CODI, C. O. (2008). 50 COMMUNITY UPGRADING PROJECTS. Bangkok: CODI Update. Desar, B. D. (2013). Squatters Problems along Bagmati Riverside in Nepal and its Impact on Environment and Economy. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/320146253_Squatters_Problems_along_Bagmati _Riverside_in_Nepal_and_its_Impact_on_Environment_and_Economy Environmental Psychology, Enhancing the World. (n.d.). Retrieved 2 24, 2019, from http://web.uvic.ca/~esplab/sites/default/files/Dragon/EP%20Booklet%203.16.pdf Gurnani, K. (2018). Redeveloping Dharavi: The case of slum redevelopment in Mumbai . Retrieved December 28, 2018, from https://lkyspp.nus.edu.sg/docs/default-source/casestudies/redeveloping-dharavi.pdf?sfvrsn=37b6690a_2 Lang, J. (1987). PRIVACY, TERRITORIALITY, AND PERSONAL SPACE-PROXEMIC THEORY . New York. Mahmoud, H.-T. H. (n.d.). The International Conference : Cities’ Identity Through Architecture and Arts (CITAA) . Interior Architectural Elements that Affect Human Psychology and Behavior. doi:10.21625/archive.v1i1.112 Murphy, M. (2016, October 6). Architecture that's built to heal | Michael Murphy. New York: Youtube. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MvXZzKZ3JYQ Ramesh, R. (2014). Balkhu Settlement in Kathmandu: A Poor Neighbourhood. Heisinki. Shrestha, D. B. (2006). Squatter Settlement of the Kathmandu Valley.

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