Danubeprovincescythia

Some Aspects of the Monetary Circulation in the Byzantine Province of Scythia during the 6th–7th centurIES* Andrei Gândilă (Bucharest)

Until the last decades, the study of the Byzantine coin circulation during the 6th–7th centuries AD attracted only a few scholars involved in Ancient Numismatics. Modern approaches, both in numismatics and historical research, made possible a few studies aiming to draw some guidelines on the coin circulation during the early Byzantine period1. The present study does not intend to offer solutions to all the problems raised by the circulation of the early Byzantine coins in Scythia, nor does it try to give a final resolution in terms of statistical figures, being just an overview on the matter based on the contributions of a number of Balkans researchers in the past half century. In chronological terms, the starting point of the discussion is the important monetary reform carried out in 498 by Emperor Anastasius, which saw the introduction of new copper denominations used in circulation in Scythia the whole sixth century and the first decades of the next one. The first years of the reign of Heraclius mark the downfall of the Danube limes and therefore the end of the coin circulation in the former Late Roman and Early Byzantine province of Scythia2. The title announcing a study of the coin circulation during the sixth and seventh century should be seen as the period of time of real coin circulation, which, at least at with the current knowledge, is comprised between the above-mentioned span of time. The present total number of coins, including the single finds yielded by the archaeological excavation and the stray finds coming from all over the province, gathers 2915 specimens from the period Anastasius–Heraclius. In what concerns the finding places, the map shows an abundance of coin finds on the coastline of the Black Sea and on the Danube limes, as well as on the major imperial road crossing through the centre of the province, linking the major fortresses Zaldapa–Tropaeum Trajani–Ulmetum–Ibida– Noviodunum. The highest density of finding spots is reached during the reigns of Justinian I and Justin II, while during the last quarter of the 6th 301

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and the beginning of the 7th century, coin finds are reported primarily inside the large fortified places. In order to reach certain historical and numismatic conclusions, a comparison will be maintained between the situation in the capital city of Tomis3, as well as in the other important centres of the province such as Capidava4, Istrus5, Noviodunum6, Dinogetia7, Halmyris8, Argamum9, Callatis10, Acres11, Dionyssopolis12, Odartsi13, where significant finds have been reported. The statistical result given by the „Dobrudja“ lot signifies an average for the entire province, while the comparative analysis will try to emphasize the peculiarities of the coin circulation in the main early Byzantine towns, and on some occasions, in the larger rural settlements. It is well known that the mere number of coins does not offer an accurate picture of the circulation during a certain period, due to the variety of denominations available on the market as fractions of the follis. Therefore the analysis will be opened with a discussion based on the number of nummia per year of reign, which brings a few changes compared to the calculation of the coefficient called „number of coins“. For the sake of the argument one example is worthy to be mentioned: while Justinian I stands in the first position by number of coins, he is surpassed by Justin II in terms of nummia, due to the massive presence of dekanummia issued by Justinian I, whereas his nephew has less coins found, but of higher denomination. Judging by the nummia per year of reign coefficient, Justin II leads with 34.11% followed at a considerable distance by Justin I and Justinian I, the latter on a somewhat striking 3d position for a period considered as the peak of the early Byzantine economic and political life. As for the lower part of the classification, Heraclius comes with a dramatically low figure of 1.52%. This might be explained by his long reign and the scarcity of his coins in Dobrudja, especially after his first six years of reign, when the intensity of coin circulation was comparable to the time of Anastasius. This is a rather surprising association considering the two periods seen as totally different historical moments: the reconstruction process undertaken by Anastasius at the Danube14, versus an epoch until lately considered as subsequent to the downfall of the limes15. A more complex picture is drawn by structuring the stray finds according to monetary reforms16 which affect the ratio between the gold solidus and its equivalent in bronze lbs. and therefore in folles, based on the legal weight standard of the follis17. 302

PONT V S

MOESIA II

E V X IN V S

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1

1 Acres-Kaliakra; 2 Aegyssus-Tulcea; 3 Agigea; 4 Agighiol; 5 Aphrodision-Topola; 6 Argamum-Jurilovca; 7 Arrubium-Măcin; 8 Arsa; 9 Axiopolis-Cernavoda; 10 Babadag; 11 Băneasa; 12 Bărăganu; 13 Beilic; 14 Beroe-Piatra-Frecăţei; 15 Bizone-Kavarna Harbour; 16 Callatis-Mangalia; 17 Capidava; 18 Capitan Dimitrovo (Hagios Kyrillos?); 19 CareaCape Shabla; 20 Carsium-Hârşova; 21 Cerna; 22 Cetatea; 23 Ciobanu; 24 Ciucurova; 25 Cloşca; 26 Corbu de Sus; 27 Costineşti; 28 Crucea; 29 Cuza-Vodă; 30 Dionyssopolis-Balchik; 31 Debrene; 32 Dinogetia-Garvăn; 33 Dobromir; 34 Eforie; 35 Enisala; 36 Fântâna Mare; 37 Fântânele; 38 Grădina; 39 Greci; 40 Halmyris-Murighiol; 41 Horia; 42 Hrabrovo; 43 Ibida-Slava Rusă; 44 Istrus; 45 Igliţa; 46 Istria; 47 Iulia; 48 Lazu; 49 Limanu; 50 Luncaviţa; 51 Măn. Cocoş; 52 Medgidia; 53 Mihai Viteazul; 54 Mihail Kogălniceanu (CT); 55 Mihail Kogălniceanu (TL); 56 Nalbant; 57 Năvodari; 58 Negru-Voda; 59 Niculiţel; 60 Nisipari; 61 Noviodunum-Isaccea; 62 Nufărul; 63 Obrochishte; 64 Odartsi; 65 Osmancea; 66 Ovidiu; 67 Palazu Mare; 68 Piatra; 69 Pietreni; 70 Poarta-Albă; 71 Popina; 72 Rasova (Flaviana?); 73 Sacidava-Dunăreni; 74 Salsovia-Mahmudia; 75 Saraiu; 76 Satu Nou; 77 Sălcioara; 78 Schitu; 79 Seimeni; 80 Sf. Gheorghe; 81 Sinoe; 82 Slava Cercheză; 83 Sv. Nicola; 84 Şipotele; 85 Târguşor; 86 Timogittia; 87 Timum-Balgarevo; 88 Tomis-Constanta; 89 Topalu (Gratiana?); 90 Topolog; 91 Topraisar; 92 Tropaeum Trajani-Adamclisi; 93 Tufani; 94 Troesmis-Turcoaia; 95 Tuzla; 96 Ulmeum-Pantelimonu de Sus; 97 Valea Teilor; 98 Valul lui Traian; 99 Văcăreni; 100 Veteranu; 101 Viile; 102 Vadu; 103 Zaldapa.

Andrei Gândilâ • some aspects of the monetary circulation in...

For the first interval (498–512) after the great reform, the coin circulation remains at a rather low level, considering that issues from this period of time are quite scarce in the Empire, except for the Oriental and Danubian limes18, where the early Anastasian folles and half-folles have been found in greater number. A significant increase in the number of finds is reported for the following stage, when both written and archaeological evidence witness an age of reconstruction at the Lower Danube, especially focused on the major fortified places. It is the case of Istrus and Dinogetia, where stamped bricks bearing the emperor’s name have been found, or Capidava whose walls were rebuild, most likely, during this period. In the capital city of Tomis, among other finds, a lead seal of Anastasius has been uncovered. The social and economic life flourished once again proven by the number of private and public constructions erected inside the walls of the larger towns of the province19. Despite the achievements in the realms of finance and the special attention shown to this part of the Empire, the coin circulation did not reach a spectacular level in the urban centres20 and even less in the rural21 settlements of the province. The reign of Justin I saw a major increase of the coefficient of nummia/ year present on the market, 11.03%, almost double compared to the previous period and also the highest level reached during the interval 498–538, when the number of folles exchanged for a solidus remained unchanged22. His bronze coinage can be divided in two chronological phases – 518–522, with 86 specimens totalizing 2880 nummia and 522–527, represented by 98 coins, for a total of 2630 nummia23. The first phase is therefore better placed, showing a coefficient of 720 nummia per year, while the second gives only a coefficient of 526 nummia per year. In the capital city of Tomis we notice a totally different standing. Here, the number coins issued by Justin I is placed on the first position with 14.85%, compared to the overall province, where it is placed on the 4th position. A possible explanation could be provided by the repercussions of the invasions led by the Antes and Slavs24. They might have affected especially the northern part of Dobrudja, judging by the high currency levels noticed in the finds at Tomis, Callatis25 and Capidava. Despite the mentioned Barbaric incursions, the reign of Justin I represents a peaceful decade for the border province, as proven by archaeological evidence26 testifying the strengthening of the Danube limes. The decisive phase of the reconstruction is known from its detailed description made by Procopius in De Aedificiis, as well as from the archaeological research at some important early Byzantine centres: Tomis, 304

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1

Ulmetum, Aegyssus, Halmyris, Istrus, Dinogetia, Libida, Argamum, Troesmis, or the fortress Callatis where a very suggestive inscription has been found – Ιουστινιανοũ τοũ φιλοκτίστου27. Four currency reforms divide the long reign of Justinian I: 527–538, 538– 542, 542–550 and 550–565. During the first stage, while the value of the copper issues remains stable, an important decrease can be noticed down to 7.83%, at the province level, and a sharper one in the northern part of Scythia, with 6.66% at the major fortress of Noviodunum. Procopius informs about the military events unfolded in the area: for three years the Byzantine general Chilbudios achieved major victories against the Barbarian tribes North of the Danube, but soon after his death, the enemy took the initiative and „from then on the River was always easy to cross by the Barbarians and Rome’s wealth easy to reach“28. We cannot be certain to what extent this Barbarian military success which took place north of the Danube affected also the territory of Scythia In the realms of numismatics a more precise chronology divides this period as follows: 527–532, giving a coefficient nummia per year of 176, while the second, 532–538, yields 218 nummia per year. Although the difference is not very striking, one still has to wonder how can the first period of time generously praised by Procopius for its major military achievements to present a smaller figure in terms of coin circulation, compared to a second period when the border was more insecure. It could be possible that Scythia was not economically influenced on the short term by the events placed upper on the Danube. The reform of 538 introduced the regular dating on copper issues, which permits from this point a closer survey on the yearly volume of coins entering the provincial market. The short interval (538–542) until the next currency reform provides a higher coefficient of 10.54%. An interesting development can be observed in the case of the fortress Noviodunum indicating a severe downfall to 2.16%, which might be related to the Coutrigur attack in 54029. The same explanation could be supposed for the situation at Troesmis, where only one specimen is available for this interval, dated 539–540, while at Niculiţel in the rural area close to Noviodunum, two issues dated 541–542 have been found. On the contrary, the results from the fortresses Halmyris and Dinogetia, also situated in the northern part of the province, show a significant higher figure up to 20.03% for the latter. In what concerns the average of the currency volume for the entire province, this time interval marks two peaks, the highest 305

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of all his reign: 539–540 (1165 nummia) and 541–542 (1000 nummia), noticing the downfall in-between during the Coutrigur invasion, 540–541 (400 nummia). The third stage (542–550) points out another reduction in the quantity of currency entering the provincial market down to 5.54%. Although its location is not certain, the granting of the fortress Turris to the Antes in 546 for defence purposes30 seems to have had a powerful effect on the coin circulation. Table 1. Number of coins, nummia and nummia per year of reign.

Emperor

Coins

Anastasius І Justin I Justinian I Justin II Tiberius II Maurice Phocas Heraclius TOTAL

179 303 947 867 79 338 130 72 2915

Coins/ Nummia/ Nummia % Posi­tion % Posi­tion year year 8.95 4290 6.33 V 214.5 4.69 VII 33.66 7970 11.76 III 885.5 19.36 II 24.92 19941 29.42 II 524.7 11.47 III 66.69 20280 29.92 I 1560 34.11 I 19.75 2095 3.09 VIII 523.7 11.45 IV 16.9 7810 11.52 IV 390.5 8.54 VI 16.25 3240 4.78 VI 405 8.86 V 2.32 2156 3.18 VII 69.5 1.52 VIII 67782 100% 4573.4 100% Table 2. Yearly coefficients upon monetary reforms.

Coins/ Reform Year of Reform Anastasius I 498–512 37/14 512–518 100/6 Justin I 518–527 273/9 Justinian I 527–538 226/11 538–542 108/4 542–550 126/8 550–565 221/15 Justin II 565–570 237/5 570–578 359/8 Tiberius II 578–580 20/2 Constantine 580–582 19/2 Maurice 582–602 303/20 Phocas 602–610 119/8 Heraclius 610–641 60/31 (610–616) (48/6) Emperor

306

Coeff. Posi­­ C/Y tion 2.64 16.66 30.33 20.54 27 15.75 14.73 47.4 44.87 10 9.5 15.15 14.87 1.93 (8)

XIV VI III V IV VII X I II XI XII VIII IX XV (XIII)

Nummia /y. of Ref. 1080/14 3010/6 7970/9 6915/11 3385/4 3562/8 4132/15 6835/5 11160/8 750/2 740/2 7810/20 3240/8 2156/31 (1840/6)

Coeff. % Coeff. Pos­i­ N/Y N/Y tion 77.14 501.66 885.55 628.63 846.25 445.25 275.46 1367 1395 375 370 390.5 405 69.54 (306.66

0.96% 6.24% 11.03% 7.83% 10.54% 5.54% 3.43% 17.02% 17.37% 4.67% 4.61% 4.86% 5.04% 0.86% (3.71%)

XIV VI III V IV VII XII II I X XI IX VIII XV (XIII)

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1

5 64 -5 65

23 0 38 0

5 63 -5 64 5 62 -5 63

C o in vo lu m e / ye a r o f re ig n Ju stin ia n I (5 3 8 -5 6 5 )

24 0

5 61 -5 62

27 0

5 60 -5 61

13 0

5 59 -5 60

2 90 3 40

5 58 -5 59 5 57 -5 58

30 0

5 56 -5 57

46 0

5 55 -5 56

5 80

5 54 -5 55

25 0 60

5 53 -5 54 5 52 -5 53

31 0

5 51 -5 52

14 0

5 50 -5 51

16 0

5 49 -5 50

20 0

5 48 -5 49

4 50

5 47 -5 48

4 40 39 0

5 46 -5 47 5 45 -5 46

5 10

5 44 -5 45

25 5

5 43 -5 44

72 0

5 42 -5 43

5 40 10 0 0

5 41 -5 42 5 40 -5 41

40 0

5 39 -5 40

11 6 5

5 38 -5 39

82 0 0

20 0

40 0

6 00

8 00

10 0 0

12 0 0

1 40 0

Coin volume/year of reign Justinian I (538–565).

The large coin hoard of Anadolchioi, close to Tomis, may have been buried during the same military events, judging by the last coin in the hoard dated 545/54631. Another coin hoard, in the southern part of the province, at Kavarna, ends with coins dated 543/544 and might be related to the same context32. Observing the annual evolution of the coin volume for the entire province, we notice the peak reached in 543–544 followed by a sudden decrease the next two years, marked by the emperor’s intention to settle the Antes North of the Delta (544) and the already mentioned granting of Turris (546). During the last part of the reign (550–565) the decline is even more severe, the coefficient dropping to a dramatic 3.43%. The involution is probably caused by the settlement of the Slavs in the centre of the province, at Ulmetum33, and their attacks southwards to Thrace, in 550–551. During this year the coin circulation in Scythia records the lowest value so far (160 nummia). In the interval prior to the great Coutrigurs offensive in 559, the yearly coin volume improves for the last time during the long reign of Justinian. The attack initiated by the Coutrigur tribes in 559 seriously affected the territory of Scythia. The hardest blow is received by the fortresses on the Danube. At Dinogetia the coin finds are missing for a period of ten years (557/8–566/7)34, while at Capidava we notice several gapes for the interval 553/4–565/635. In the hoard found at Topalu, near Capidava, issues from 556/7 to 561/2 are missing as well36. 307

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57 7 -5 78

22 0

57 6 -5 77

C o in vo lu m e / ye a r o f re ig n Ju stin II (5 6 5 -5 7 8 )

80 0

57 5 -5 76

9 60

57 4 -5 75

2 18 0

57 3 -5 74

15 2 0

57 2 -5 73

1 18 0

57 1 -5 72

16 0 0

57 0 -5 71

27 4 0

56 9 -5 70

25 5 5

56 8 -5 69

2 40 0

56 7 -5 68

11 6 0

56 6 -5 67

49 0

56 5 -5 66

23 0 0

50 0

1 00 0

15 0 0

20 0 0

2 50 0

3 00 0

Coin volume/year of reign Justinian II (565–578).

In 562 the Huns and Bulgarians invade the Empire, while the Avars led by Baian threaten to take up Scythia. From the numismatic point of view, the coin flow drops dramatically in 560/1, only seven coins having been found until this moment. For the last stage of the reign we notice a considerable number of dekanummia entering the market, especially during the interval 555–565 (91 sp.), almost half of them being struck at Nicomedia (40 sp.). The tendency appears very clear in the cases of Tomis37 or Halmyris38. Justin II accedes to the throne in a difficult moment for the Empire, both political and economic, after his uncle’s tremendous activity which taxed the Empire to the very limits of its resources. The new emperor was obliged to order a debasement of the follis, therefore increasing the inflation process already mounting during the last years of Justinian. In terms of monetary reforms the reign of Justin II can be divided in two stages, 565–570 and 570–578. The first period produces a spectacular growth up to 17.02%. Judging by the follis/ solidus ratio, it seems to be a rather inflationist tendency than a real economic boost39. However, for the first two years the coin volume maintains at a rather low level, possibly due to the Avar invasion of 56640, for the next years to witness a tremendous rise up to an absolute peak of 2740 nummia in 570/571. Among the finds we notice the presence of a large quantity of half-folles issued at 308

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1

Thessalonica. They represent almost half of the total number of specimens during the years 566/7 (11 sp.), 567/8 (19 sp.), 568/9 (37 sp.), 569/70 (33 sp.), 574/5 (37 sp.) Actually, the large scale diffusion of the Thessalonica issues represents a phenomenon whose origins are to be found during the last five years of Justinian. The flow abruptly dropped after 572, as Baian initiated a new offensive (573)41, only to reach a new and final peak in 574/5 (1460 nummia). This might be a possible effect of the donativa, a phenomenon that can also be observed five years before. The reign ends with low values during the years of Slavic invasions started in 57642. The troubled times in the province are witnessed by three coin hoards concealed one in Barbaricum at Gropeni43 (577/8) and two in Scythia. The later ones, ending with issues dated 574/5 and 576/7 were found both inside the walls of the fortress Halmyris lying on a burned layer44. Despite the small chronological gape noticed by the latest coins of the hoards, they were probably buried with the same occasion. At the same time, in the fortress Beroe the coin circulation ends with a coin dated 575/6, found also in a burned level45, while at Capidava the phase N 2 ends during the same events46. C o in v o lu m e / ye a r o f re ig n T ib e riu s II C o n s ta n tin e (5 7 8 -5 8 2 )

200

5 8 1 -5 8 2

540

5 8 0 -5 8 1

5 7 9 -5 8 0

120

5 7 8 -5 7 9

630

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

Coin volume/year of reign Tiberius II Constantine (578–582).

A new reform is applied to the copper coinage during the first two regnal years of Tiberius II Constantine as sole ruler. The Emperor attempted to re-establish the former weight standard introduced by Justinian, as well as its ratio to the solidus. This measure was not to last throughout his reign, as the value of the follis soon dropped. In Scythia the two stages (578–580 and 580–582) are equally balanced and both very far from the previous coefficient from the reign of Justin II. Nevertheless, a peak is noticed in the first year (630 nummia), which coincides with the attack led by Baian against the Slavs, as part of the agreement settled by Tiberius while he was co-emperor47. Interesting enough is the fact that both at Tomis and Dinogetia coin finds from the first stage are completely missing.

309

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The coin supply during the reign of Maurice Tiberius regresses to a value (4.86%) lower than the one from the last stage of Anastasius. At Halmyris we learn of a more dramatic situation (2.64%), marked also by a lack of finds for a decade 589/90–600/1. Meanwhile, the coin circulation seems more active on the seaside areas, at Callatis and especially Tomis (10.28%). The Avar offensive of 585–586 seems to have affected only the southern part of Scythia, since the campaign followed the route Bononia–Ratiaria– Durostorum–Tropaeum–Zaldapa–Marcianopolis48 and the coin supply re­ mains at a rather stable level throughout the province49. The town of Tro­ paeum was ravaged. For a long time scholars considered that it was never to recover after this moment, until coins from the next period were found50. Meanwhile, Zaldapa managed to survive the attack51. The imperial army regrouped and the counteroffensive led by Commentiolus during the next year pushed the Avars as far as the city of Tomis52. On the Danube, at Capidava, coin finds start from 587/8, while at Axiopolis the only specimen of Maurice is dated 590/1. Both coins come from the layer of the reconstruction process initiated after the Avar attack. In this respect, two last peaks are noticed in 587/8 and 591/2. During 592/3 another Slavic attack may have occurred in Scythia53, as the coin circulation ends at Dinogetia54 and Troesmis55, in 591/2, along with the phase IVB at Istrus56 (after 593) and the hoard of Tropaeum (after 590/1)57. During the year 595 another Slavic invasion is mentioned in the southern part of Scythia, when Zaldapa was sacked and the capital Tomis besieged58. Here, as a direct consequence, the coin finds for the year 595/6 are missing. For the entire province the currency flow drops three times compared to the previous year, never to recover until the end of Maurice’s reign. Connected to these events are probably two hoards concealed at Istrus. The so-called „Temple“ and „Thermes“ hoards seem to close with coins dated 593/4 and 594/559. Another hoard was found on the Danube’s left bank, in Barbaricum, at Unirea, with a terminus post quem 594/5, possibly related to the same Slavic attack60. The reign of Phocas brings a considerable number of coin finds in Scythia, meaning the control was partially restored after the crisis of the year 602. The rebellion led by Phocas in 602 had undergone rather far from the territory of Scythia, and did not affect the province on the long term, as it was once believed61. Nevertheless the fortress of Sacidava, close to the border with Moesia II, was sacked, as the archaeologists found a burned level that can be dated based on a coin, post 599/60062. A small hoard from Istrus ends also with a coin dated 600/163. Although found in a 310

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1

1 80

60 1 -6 02 60

60 0 -6 01

C o in vo lu m e / ye a r o f re ig n M a u rice T ib e riu s (5 8 2 -6 0 2 )

40

59 9 -6 00 20

59 8 -5 99 59 7 -5 98

1 00

59 6 -5 97

1 00

59 5 -5 96

16 0

59 4 -5 95

4 60

59 3 -5 94

25 0

59 2 -5 93

2 80 6 60

59 1 -5 92 3 60

59 0 -5 91

5 80

58 9 -5 90 52 0

58 8 -5 89

8 40

58 7 -5 88 58 6 -5 87

64 0

58 5 -5 86

4 90

58 4 -5 85

42 5

58 3 -5 84

5 80

58 2 -5 83

23 0 0

1 00

20 0

3 00

40 0

5 00

60 0

7 00

80 0

9 00

Coin volume/year of reign Maurice Tiberius (582–602).

rather uncertain archaeological context, it could testify that the town was endangered during the same events. No more than four specimens dating from 602 were found in Scythia up to this moment, two of them at Tomis64, but the coin circulation soon recovered up to 420 nummia in the next year and during the following period, possibly as a consequence of the peace treaty arranged with the Avars. It is worthy to mention that no coin hoard is doubtlessly buried in Scythia during the reign of Phocas and the trend is similar in the whole Danube area65. The last years of Phocas saw a military breakdown in Asia, where important towns fell to the Persians and in the Balkans, where the Avars attacked once again. The coin circulation reaches a dramatic level from 608 and it will not recover until the first years of Emperor Heraclius. Until 616, the nummia per year coefficient still indicates a coin circulation in Scythia, while the next period provides only a few specimens, the last one being dated 629/3066. The final breakdown of the limes could be placed around year 615, when the coin circulation ends in the major fortresses of the province: Capidava 612/367, Ibida 612/368, Istrus 613/469, Halmyris 613/470, Aegyssus 613/471, Argamum 613/472, Tomis 613/473, Acres 613/474, Axiopolis 614/575, Ulmetum 614/576, Sacidava 615/677. In the rural areas the most recent coins, dated 613, come from the settlements at Sinoe78 and Topolog79. However the copper issues dated between 616 and 629 are 311

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6 0 9 -6 1 0

80

6 0 8 -6 0 9

C o in vo lu m e / ye a r o f re ig n P h o ca s (6 0 2 -6 1 0 )

160

6 0 7 -6 0 8

310

6 0 6 -6 0 7

500

6 0 5 -6 0 6

340

6 0 4 -6 0 5

260

6 0 3 -6 0 4

420

6 0 2 -6 0 3

120 0

100

200

300

400

500

600

Coin volume/year of reign Rhocas (602–610).

generally scarce throughout the empire. To provide only one example, in Constantinople itself, out of 36 coins covering the entire reign of Heraclius, only one specimen is dated to this interval80. Judging by the intensity of the coin circulation, the dismantlement of the defence system started from the last decades of the sixth century, when 62 9 -6 30

12 0

62 8 -6 29

C o in vo lu m e / ye a r o f re ig n H e ra cliu s (6 1 0 -6 4 1 )

12

62 7 -6 28

0

62 6 -6 27

0

62 5 -6 26

40

62 4 -6 25

0

62 3 -6 24

0

62 2 -6 23

0

62 1 -6 22

0

62 0 -6 21

0

61 9 -6 20

0

61 8 -6 19

0

61 7 -6 18

0

61 6 -6 17

20

61 5 -6 16

80 16 0

61 4 -6 15

5 60

61 3 -6 14 61 2 -6 13

44 0

61 1 -6 12

20 0 60

61 0 -6 11 0

10 0

20 0

30 0

4 00

Coin volume/year of reign Heraclius (610–641).

312

50 0

60 0

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1

some of the Scythian fortifications lost their urban profile, the military and strategic function maintaining only in a few strongholds along the seaside during the reign of Heraclius81. The development in Scythia can be ascribed to the political events of the period, reflected in the fluctuations of the coin circulation. The downfall of 615 is taking place at a time when the Persians were ravaging Asia Minor and the important mints of and Cyzicus (614/5) and Nicomedia (617/8) were temporarily shut-down82. Soon the Slavic tribes launched a powerful offensive in the Balkans reaching its climax with the siege of Thessalonica, and Constantinople in 626. A short revival occurred in 629–631, which coincides with the emperor’s final defeat of the Persians, reflected also in the few specimens from this period found in Scythia83. Later developments in coinage during the century did not find any response on the Scythian market, as the province was mostly out of the empire’s sphere of influence. Copper coins from the second half of the 7th century are very scarce in Dobrudja and far from a genuine circulating level84. They witness only the survival of some strategic but isolated areas still being under the control of the Byzantine Empire85. The exchange-rate between copper and gold was mentioned as a more reliable 610–616

3,71

2,18

602–610

2,91

582–602

2,81

580–582

2,73

5,04 4,86 4,61 4,67

578–580

7,82

570–578 565–570

11,82 3,43

550–565 542–550

5,63 5,54

11,09 10.54

538–542

17,02

18,18

7,83 7,82

527–538

11,03 11,09

518–527 6,24 6,18

512–518 498–512

17,37

8,73

0,96 0,91 Solidi/year of reform (Hahn)

Nummia/year of reform

Nummia/year of reform vs.solid/year of reform.

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indicator of the coin circulation and the true value of the copper currency present on the market. Based on the calculations made by Wolfgang Hahn86, the coin sample from Scythia can be divided according to eight monetary reforms, with the results expressed in fractions of the solidus. The new approach brings a few important changes into discussion. For the interval 498–538 the standing remains fairly balanced. The peak reached during the reign of Justin I is thus confirmed, surpassing the coefficient from the first stage of Justinian’s reign. A spectacular overturning occurs after the reform of the year 538, when Justinian introduced a heavier follis, one of the few occasions in Byzantine history when the face-value of the copper coinage began to approach its bullion-value. Therefore it provides higher figures compared to the nummia per year calculation, bringing this reform interval (538–542) on the first place of the overall classification. The coin circulation during Justinian’s reign is far more intense than it was expected upon the nummia results, which totalized 27.34%, compared to 42.72%. The reign of Justin II is characterized by an abundance of currency on the market. The number of folles exchanged for a solidus rises to 525 and than to 720, meaning inflation and economic crisis explained above by the precarious political and financial situation of the Empire. Although with a doubtless progress compared to the disastrous last stage of Justinian’s reign, the reform performed by Justin II was not meant to last, as the following period brings gradually lower values. An ambitious reform is attempted by Tiberius II Constantine who tries to lift the weight of the follis to a previous value of the period 550–565. The Empire is economically incapable of sustaining such an effort and his initiative is brought to a quick end by a new reduction in weight and a debasement in relation to the solidus. The decline is inevitable and within two years the exchange rate reaches 600 folles / solidus, maintained for the following decades. Another important issue is establishing the presence and proportion of mints to supply the provincial market, judging by a sample of 2370 specimens with a clear mint attribution. A comparison with the results provided by the main fortresses of the province could also prove useful for any fluctuations that might have occurred at certain moments87. The metropolitan mint has the most important presence among the coin finds, followed far behind by the provincial mints of Nicomedia and Thessalonica, balanced in terms of number of coins. We should take into 314

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1

account the fact that Thessalonica struck especially half-folles, while Nicomedia issued more folles, therefore Nicomedia being higher ranked in what concerns the number of nummia. The once extensive system of Roman provincial mints had collapsed by the time of Anastasius’ accession, when only Constantinople and Thessalonica remained in business, the latter issuing only gold denominations. The vast majority of coins found in Scythia dating from this period are issued by the metropolitan mint (94.37%), assisted by Nicomedia, re-commissioned after the reform of 498, and to a lesser degree by Antioch, opened in 512. No coins struck at Thessalonica are present among the coin finds until the reign of Justinianus, when new copper denominations were created. The reign of Justin I saw a further extension of the mint system by the reopening of Cyzicus destined to supply the Diocese Asiana and only with a symbolical presence in Scythia at this point. The Nicomedia mint plays a more important role as shown particularly at Tomis (22.72%), on the Black Sea coast88. The highest expansion of the provincial mint system was reached during Justinian’s long reign when no less than seven mints supplied Scythia, although Constantinople maintains a very high percentage (65.23%). Nevertheless, Nicomedia and even Antioch are more present on the market, while Thessalonica provides only few specimens, usually half-folles dating from the last years of his reign. Important changes occurred during the reign of Justin II when the market was invaded by half-folles issued at Thessalonica (27.61%), a tendency applied to all the major centres of the province. Later on, the reign of Tiberius II saw a new overturning, Nicomedia taking Thessalonica’s place in terms of coin supply, while Antioch became more active. During the reign of Maurice, Thessalonica and its half-folles partially regain the former position in a rather balanced classification of the five important mints, whereas for the reign of Phocas we have to notice the important number of coins brought from Cyzicus, unparalleled throughout the period. The troubled times of the first half of the seventh century saw a rapid reduction in the number of mints, first Antioch, then Nicomedia, Cyzicus and Thessalonica, all with a constant presence in Scythia throughout the sixth century. The metropolitan mint regains once more its overwhelming percentage (69.84%) from the first half of the century. As a result of the reform of coinage carried out at the end of the fifth century, 315

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a whole new range of copper denominations was created as multiple of the basic nummus. Therefore a matter worthy to discuss would be the variety and proportion of various denominations found in Scythia. The results are primarily connected with the market demands, but also with some local peculiarities in the mints’ activity, sometimes specialized in providing certain denominations as shown above. In the time of Emperor Anastasius we notice the prevalence of half-folles, a rather common feature throughout the period, Istrus alone providing a larger number of folles89. Jumping to the age of Justinian, the most striking would be the large number of dekanummia (257 sp.), most of them entering Scythia during the last ten years of the reign. Even more, at Tomis the number of dekanummia represents almost half of the entire batch from Justinianus90. Smaller denominations also maintain a high percentage at Tomis during the reign of Justin II, when pentanummia enter the town in great numbers (31.88%) and to a lesser degree in the other fortresses. The reform attempted by Tiberius II insured the presence of small copper in Scythia and even of a few scarcer specimens of three-quarter folles. Starting with the reign of Maurice Tiberius, the number of smaller denominations begins to decrease in the coin finds and they finally disappear from the market in the time of Heraclius, when the majority of coins are pieces of forty nummia91. Table 3. The coin distribution upon mints.

Mint Constantinople Thessalonica Nicomedia Cyzicus Antioch Alexandria Carthage Rome Ravenna Cherson Mon. Milit. Imit. TOTAL

316

Number of coins 1443 320 369 127 86 5 10 3 1 4 2 2370

% 60.89% 13.50% 15.60% 5.35% 3.62% 0.21% 0.43% 0.12% 0.04% 0.16% 0.08% 100%

Position I III II IV V VII VI IX XI VIII X

Number of nummia 41050 6288 10600 3655 2440 81 215 30 40 105 30 64534

% 63.60% 9.74% 16.42% 5.66% 3.78% 0.12% 0.33% 0.04% 0.06% 0.16% 0.04% 100%

Position I III II IV V VIII VI X IX VII X

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1

Constantinople 94.37% 84.33% 65.23% 44.52% Thessalonica – – 4.84% 27.61% Nicomedia 4.22% 10.82% 16.60% 19.82% Cyzicus – 2.61% 5.88% 5.94% Antioch 1.41% 1.87% 5.75% 2.11% Carthage – – 1.31% – Ravenna – – – – Rome – – 0.39% – Alexandria – – – – Cherson – 0.37% – –

Heraclius

Phocas

Maurice

Tiberius II

Justin II

Justinian I

Justin I

Anastasius

Mint

Table 4. The coin distribution upon mints and issuers.

50% 53.45% 59.13% 69.84% 6.95% 24.26% 4.35% 1.59% 31.95% 12.13% 14.78% 17.46% 1.38% 6.89% 16.52% 1.59% 9.72% 2.62% 4.35% – – – 0.87% – – – – 1.59% – – – – – – 7.93% – 0.65% – –

The statistical study of the officinae has never been the subject of a major approach, but the development of the Byzantine studies and the scholarly attention paid to the Early Byzantine coin circulation may fit a future article on the distribution of officinae among the finds yielded by the major cities of the Empire. Table 6 provides the statistics for the province of Scythia and the first conclusions can be drawn, especially for the central mint, with the largest number of coin finds. The five officinae are quite balanced in the overall record of the period, with a small prevalence of the first officina92. What seems interesting is the fact that, despite the relative equilibrium of the total figures, inside every reign the results are rather unbalanced: the time of Anastasius brings especially issues bearing the mark of the fifth officina, while Justinian, Maurice and Heraclius provide more specimens issued at the first officina, to mention only the most striking differences. The mint of Nicomedia shows the same trend, with a highly balanced overall statistic, but with fluctuations for each reign. The relatively low number of coins minted in Cyzicus, found in Scythia, permits only a general conclusion leading to a quite even repartition of the two officinae. The largest number of coins struck at Antioch bears the mark of the third officina, a situation similar to Saraçhane, Amaseia and Sardis. The archaeological excavations at Antioch yielded as well a large number of coins isued at the third officina, although surpassed in number by the first officina.

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The present survey and its statistical results will eventually be updated after new coin finds and possibly after the publication of some important samples still unpublished after a long time93. Although the main trends in the coin circulation could still stand in the years to come, further developments might prove valuable in the debate around the political and economical events underwent at the Lower Danube during its last century under Roman rule. Table 5. The coin distribution upon denominations and issuers. Emperor

DENOMINATION/ COINS / %

Anastasius I Justin I

M 78/47.86 146/52.33

Justinian I Justin II Tiberius II Maurice Phocas Heraclius TOTAL

ΛΓ – –

ΧΧΧ – –

Κ 82/50.31 111/39.78

375/43.06 1/0.11 363/42.06 – 41/51.90 – 126/34.71 –

– – 3/3.80

193/22.16 7/0.80 378/43.80 – 24/30.38 – 204/56.20 –

54/37.76 – 58/81.70 – 1241/43.82 1/0.03

1/0.70 – 4/0.14

–

IS – –

IB – –

I 2/1.22 6/2.15

– – – –

257/29.51 3/0.35 5/6.33 26/7.16

85/59.44 – – 2/1.40 12/16.90 – 1/1.40 – 1089/38.46 7/0.25 1/0.03 301/10.63

E Total 1/0.61 163 16/5.74 279 38/4.36 119/13.79 6/7.59 7/1.93

871 863 79 363

1/0.70 143 – 71 188/6.64 2832

Table 6. Officinae. Number of coins and % of the total for each reign per mint. Em­peror

A 13 / Anas­tasius I 12.74 29 / Justin I 18.71 63 / Justinian I 26.04 37 / Justin II 16.16 Tiberius II 2/ Consta­n­ 9.52 tine Maurice 43 / Tiberius 35.54 6/ Phocas 14.63 11 / Heraclius 30.56 204 / TOTAL 21.54

318

Constantinople B Γ Δ 20 / 11 / 16 / 19.61 10.78 15.87 35 / 38 / 26 / 22.58 24.52 16.77 41 / 46 / 53 / 16.95 19 21.9 55 / 56 / 44 / 24.02 24.45 19.21

E 42 / 41.18 27 / 17.42 39 / 16.11 37 / 16.16

Nicomedia Cyzicus Antioch Total A B A B A B Γ Δ 2/ 1/ – – – – – – 105 66.67 33.33 7 / 11 / 1/ 3/ 1/ 1/ – – 179 38.88 61.12 25 75 50 50 21 / 17 / 6 / 10 / 3/ 4/ 8/ 2/ 313 55.26 44.74 37.5 62.5 17.65 23.53 47.05 11.77 34 / 40 / 12 / 6/ 2/ 5/ – – 328 45.95 54.05 66.67 33.33 28.57 71.43

6/ 3/ 4/ 6/ 6 / 10 / 28.57 14.29 19.05 28.57 37.5 62.5 24 / 19.83 6/ 14.63 8/ 22.22 195 / 20.59

14 / 11.57 6/ 14.63 7/ 19.44 181 / 19.11

21 / 17.36 12 / 29.27 6/ 1.67 182 / 19.22

–

–

–

1/ 100

–

–

38

19 / 13 / 12 / 7/ 6 / – – – – 159 15.7 52 48 53.85 46.15 11 / 6/ 5 8/ 4/ – – – – 64 26.83 54.54 45.46 66.67 33.33 4/ 2/ 1/ 1/ – – – – – 40 11.11 66.67 33.33 100 185 / 91 / 97 / 35 / 29 / 4/ 7 / 14 / 2/ 1226 19.54 48.41 51.59 54.69 45.31 14.81 25.93 51.85 7.41

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1

APPENDIX Table 1. Coins with certain date.

6/105 1/10 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – 1/40 – – – 15/230 – 1/40 – – – 4/160 – – – – 1/20 – – 2/50 – – – – – 1/10 – – – – – 3/70 – – – – – – – 1/40 – – – – – – 1/10 – – – – – – – – 3/30 – – – 2/20 – – – – – 1/10

TOTAL

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 2/20 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1/10

?

– – – – – – – 1/40 1/40

MOMIL

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

RAV

– – 2/60 – – 5/100 3/60 5/130 8/240 1/40 5/180 – – – – – – 1/40 – 1/20 2/60 – 1/20 2/40 – – 4/120 – 1/40 – 1/20 1/40 1/20 3/120 2/80 –

ROM

– – – 2/60 3/120 – – – – 1/20 – – 1/20 – 2/80 2/60 – 3/80 – 4/140 4/160 2/80 1/40 2/80 – – 1/40 – – 2/60 1/40 1/40 2/20 1/10 – 3/30

CAR

CYZ

NIC 1/20 – 3/70 3/120 9/290 15/360 – – 15/445 6/200 7/220 1/40 6/200 – 2/80 5/180 3/100 5/180 1/40 2/60 – 2/40 – – – – 2/40 – 2/50 4/100 9/90 – 9/130 3/40 3/30 9/90

ALE

– – – – – – – – – – – – – 4/64 – – – – – – – – – – 1/16 1/16 – – – – – – – – – 1/20

ANT

498–507 13/370 507–512 23/690 512–518 95/2880 518–522 80/2660 522–527 86/2220 518–527 53/1750 527–532 19/780 532–538 29/1140 527–538 140/3840 538–539 18/560 539–540 20/660 540–541 10/330 541–542 22/730 542–547 – 542–543 15/380 543–544 14/470 544–545 8/155 545–546 6/210 546–547 11/280 547–548 8/200 548–549 9/230 549–550 4/80 550–551 3/60 551–552 1/20 547–552 – 552–557 – 552–553 5/100 553–554 3/60 554–555 5/160 555–556 15/420 556–557 12/240 557–558 8/220 558–559 9/150 559–560 9/120 560–561 2/20 561–562 8/110

THE

YEAR

CON

NUMBER OF COINS/ NUMMIA/ MINT

14/390 23/690 100/3010 86/2880 98/2630 88/2440 23/880 35/1310 168/4725 26/820 38/1165 13/400 31/1000 4/64 19/540 22/720 11/255 15/510 15/390 17/440 15/450 8/200 6/160 5/140 1/16 1/16 13/310 3/60 8/250 21/580 26/420 10/300 23/340 16/290 7/130 23/270

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320

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

1/10 3/30 2/20 – – 1/40 2/80 1/20 – – 1/20 1/20 – – – 1/20 – – – – – – – – 1/20 – – – – – – – – – – – 1/20 – –

TOTAL

MOMIL

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

?

RAV

ANT

CYZ

NIC

3/30 – – 3/30 3/30 – 2/20 – 1/20 1/40 1/10 1/40 2/80 – – 5/180 4/140 – 10/380 – – 21/800 1/40 4/55 23/780 6/140 1/40 15/520 – 3/120 10/340 3/100 1/20 10/380 4/120 2/80 12/400 10/360 – 8/240 2/80 – 6/140 6/140 1/20 2/40 – – 3/120 – 3/120 – – 2/80 5/200 – – – 1/40 2/80 1/40 – – 2/80 1/40 – 2/60 1/40 1/40 – 1/40 – 2/40 – 1/20 12/400 5/160 – 3/100 1/40 – 2/60 3/120 – – 1/20 – 4/160 – 2/40 1/20 2/60 – – – 3/60 2/80 1/40 1/20 1/40 – – 1/40 – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

ROM

6/120 11/220 6/120 1/20 11/210 19/380 37/740 33/660 11/220 7/140 6/120 1/20 37/740 11/220 1/20 6/120 2/40 – 1/20 – 3/60 7/140 5/100 5/90 10/200 6/120 1/20 2/40 – 8/160 3/60 3/50 4/80 – 2/40 – – – 2/40

CAR

5/80 7/70 5/50 3/120 5/200 14/420 32/1200 28/980 44/1560 25/820 17/580 23/900 19/680 11/420 11/440 1/40 9/350 1/40 8/320 2/80 10/130 12/320 7/185 11/360 13/360 6/160 12/360 14/360 10/340 11/300 6/140 5/140 7/240 3/120 1/20 3/100 – 2/40 1/20

ALE

562–563 563–564 564–565 565–566 566–567 567–568 568–569 569–570 570–571 571–572 572–573 573–574 574–575 575–576 576–577 577–578 578–579 579–580 580–581 581–582 582–583 583–584 584–585 585–586 586–587 587–588 588-589 589-590 590–591 591–592 592–593 593–594 594–595 595–596 596–597 597–598 598–599 599–600 600–601

THE

YEAR

CON

NUMBER OF COINS/ NUMMIA/ MINT

15/240 27/380 16/230 7/230 18/490 43/1160 81/2400 88/2555 85/2740 50/1600 38/1180 41/1520 78/2180 32/960 25/760 10/220 17/630 3/120 14/540 5/200 14/230 22/580 16/425 17/490 27/640 29/840 17/520 21/580 11/360 25/660 12/280 11/250 15/460 4/160 4/100 3/100 1/20 2/40 3/60

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1

MOMIL

RAV

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1/40 – – – – 3/ 1/ 30 40

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 2/ 30

TOTAL

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

?

1/40 – – – 1/40 – – – 4/80 1/40 – – 2/40 1/20 – – 4/140 2/60 – – 1/20 – – 1/20 1/40 – – – – 1/20 – – 1/40 – – – – – – – 1/40 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1/12 – – – – – 111/ 83/ 1/ 10/ 3420 2425 12 215

ROM

CAR

ALE

3/60 – – – – 1/20 – 2/40 – 2/60 – 5/180 – 3/110 – 1/20 – 1/40 – – – 2/60 – 3/120 – 2/80 – – – – 1/20 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 281/ 321/ 5526 9785

ANT

2/80 3/80 7/280 4/160 2/80 6/240 4/160 3/120 – 2/60 3/100 8/320 11/440 4/160 2/80 – – – – – – – – – – – – – 4/120 1232/ 37820

CYZ

THE

601–602 602–603 603–604 604–605 605–606 606–607 607–608 608–609 609–610 610–611 611–612 612–613 613–614 614–615 615–616 616–617 617–618 618–619 619–620 620–621 621–622 622–623 623–624 624–625 625–626 626–627 627–628 628–629 629–630 TOTAL

NIC

YEAR

CON

NUMBER OF COINS/ NUMMIA/ MINT

– – – – – 1/40 – – – – – – 1/40 – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 51/ 1080

6/180 4/120 13/420 9/260 10/340 14/500 8/310 5/160 2/80 2/60 6/200 11/440 14/560 4/160 2/80 1/20 – – – – – – – – 1/40 – – 1/12 4/120 2096/ 60383

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Table 2. Coins with uncertain date. NUMBER OF COINS/ NUMMIA/ MINT CON THE NIC CYZ ANT ALE CHE ? Anastasius I 1/20 – – – – – – 10/180 Justin I – – – – – – 1/20 – Justinian I 38/630 5/82 12/200 4/70 – 1/33 1/5 56/920 Justin II 84/745 18/360 16/110 7/65 3/15 – – 52/990 Tiberius II 15/215 1/20 14/330 – – – – 3/40 Maurice 14/185 7/140 2/15 2/20 – – 2/80 16/395 Phocas 37/645 4/80 1/40 3/80 – – – 9/205 Heraclius 8/300 – 1/40 – – 2/24 – 3/100 6th c. 14/490 4/80 2/80 – – 1/12 – 53/660 TOTAL 211/ 39/ 48/ 16/ 3/ 4/ 4/ 202/ 3230 762 815 235 15 69 105 3490 EMPEROR

TOTAL 11/200 1/20 117/1940 180/2285 33/605 43/835 54/1050 14/464 74/1322 527/ 8721

Table 3. A comparative survey upon nummia per year of reign.

Istrus

Novio­dunum

Dinogetia

Halmyris

Callatis

Argamum

Acres

Odartsi

Capidava

Anastasius Justin I Justinian I Justin II Tiberius II Maurice Phocas

Tomis

EMPEROR

% OF THE COEFFICIENTS NUMMIA/ YEAR OF REIGN

2.75 21.40 9.55 24.81 6.80 14.82 19.87

4.38 12.87 11.29 31.35 20.39 11.41 8.30

5.09 20.61 10.04 32.78 11.16 9.72 10.56

6.43 17.68 13.50 41.80 3.85 16.72 –

7.49 21.21 12.35 40.04 9.14 5.48 3.29

5.19 32.52 15.92 16.61 14.88 8.65 6.23

2.37 10.85 13.21 40.63 7.89 15.19 9.86

5.00 13.55 4.22 26.44 13.88 11.88 25.00

7.08 20.00 14.01 39.52 9.76 1.57 0.15

3.64 23.87 10.44 45.94 4.55 7.46 4.10

Table 4. A comparative survey upon reigns and monetary reforms. % OF THE COEFFICIENTS NUMMIA/ YEAR OF REFORM Emperor Anastasius I Justin I Justinian I

Justin II

322

Reform 498–512 512–518 518–527 527–538 538–542 542–550 550–565 565–570 570–578

Tomis Istrus 1.29 3.27 14.85 7.24 7.62 4.87 5.41 13.33 14.24

0.56 6.06 7.06 10.07 9.31 4.74 2.18 11.27 18

Novio­ Dinogetia dunum 0.25 6.48 10.30 6.66 2.16 9.77 3.11 17.30 18.85

1.60 6.57 8.81 7.37 20.03 4.96 2.08 19.23 20.99

Halmyris 0.26 6.61 10.23 6.79 17.65 6 2.91 15 20.91

Odartsi 1.13 9.41 10.30 11.76 8.35 4.86 4.70 13.99 24.42

Capidava 0.97 4.53 13.79 8.50 13.43 7.65 1.81 17.67 22.09

ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1

% OF THE COEFFICIENTS NUMMIA/ YEAR OF REFORM Emperor

Reform

Tomis Istrus

Novio­ Dinogetia dunum

Halmyris

Odartsi

Capidava

Tiberius II 578–580 Constantine 580–582

– 3.81

9.94 9.94

4.32 8.65

– –

8.82 –

4.05 6.08

2.55 –

Maurice Phocas

10.28 13.79

6.26 4.24

4.32 8.04

8.33 –

2.64 1.58

0.81 0.08

5.10 1. 91

582–602 602–610

Table 5. A comparative survey upon mints. MINT Constantinople Thessalonica Nicomedia Cyzicus

Tomis 58.50 17.42 13.27 7.05

Istrus 63.26 13.60 13.26 4.42

Novio­dunum 55.22 22.38 14.17 3.73

Dinogetia 57.53 17.80 17.80 2.73

Halmyris 60.74 14.95 15.88 4.67

Odartsi 64.08 9.86 16.20 5.63

Capidava 56 16.67 17.33 5.33

Antioch Alexandria Carthage Rome

2.90 0.41 0.41 –

4.42 – 1.02 –

2.23 – – 0.72

2.73 – 1.36 –

3.73 – – –

2.82 – 1.41 –

4.67 – – –

MOMILIM

–

–

1.49

–

–

–

–

_______________________ * An early version of this paper has been published in CN, 9–11, 2005, pp. 109–166. 1 G. Custurea. Date noi privind circulaţia monedei bizantine în Dobrogea (sec. V–VII). – Pontica, 37–38, 2004–2005, pp. 491–535; E. Oberländer-Târnoveanu. Aux origines économiques du Moyen Age au Bas-Danube: Notes sur l’ évolution des échanges monétaires dans la zone rurale de Dobrudja et au nord-est de la Bulgarie aux VIe–Xe siècles. – In: Studia Historica et Theologica. Omagiu prof. Emilian Popescu, 2003, pp. 211–226; E. Oberländer-Târnoveanu. La monnaie dans l’espace rural byzantin des Balkans Orientaux – Un essai de synthèse au commencement du XXIe siècle. – Peuce, 14, 2003, pp. 341–379; Fl. Curta. Invasion or Inflation? Sixth-to Seventh-Century Byzantine Coin Hoards in Eastern and Southeastern Europe. – AnnIIN, 43, 1996, pp. 65–124; C. Preda. Scurtă privire asupra descoperirilor monetare bizantine din Dobrogea. – BSNR, 90–91, 1996–1997, 144–145, pp. 97–126; Gh. Poenaru Bordea, E. Nicolae, A. Popescu. Contributions numismatiques à l’histoire de Noviodunum aux VIe–VIIe siècles. – SCN, 11, 1995, pp. 135–161; I. Jordanov. Dobrudza (491–1092) – selon les données de la numismatique et de la sphragistique, in Dobrudza. – In: Etudes ethno-culturelles. Sofia, 1987, pp. 182–207; Gh. Poenaru Bordea, R. Ocheşeanu. Probleme istorice dobrogene (secolele VI–VII) în lumina monedelor bizantine din colecţia Muzeului de Istorie Naţională şi Arheologie din Constantza. – SCIVA, 3, 1980, pp. 377–396; V. Popovic. La descente des Koutrigours, des Slaves et des Avars vers la Mer Egée: 323

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Le témoinage de l’archéologie. – CRAI, 1978, pp. 596–648; Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Monnaies byzantines des VIe–VIIe siècles en Dobroudja. – In: Actes de XIVe Congrès International des études Byzantines. Bucharest, III, 1976, pp. 203–214; Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Monede bizantine de bronz din secolele V–VII în Dobrogea. – BMI, 1971, pp. 51–57; J. Juroukova. Les invasions slaves au sud du Danube d’après les trésors monétaires en Bulgarie. – Byzantinobulgarica, III, 1969, pp. 255–263; J. Juroukova. Particularités dans la circulation des monnaies byzantines du VIe–VIIe s. sur le littoral occidental de la Mer Noire. – Byzantinobulgarica, II, 1966, pp. 223–227. 2 At this point the latest coin issued by Heraclius to be found in Dobrudja are two folles struck in Constantinople, and 629/630 (both found at Mangalia in the ancient Callatis area); see: R. Ocheşeanu. Câteva monede bizantine din secolele VII–XI. – Pontica, 14, 1981, p. 312; O. Iliescu. Însemnări privitoare la descoperiri monetare. – SCN, 2, 1958, p. 453; Gh. Poenaru Bordea, R. Ocheşeanu. Probleme istorice dobrogene (secolele VI–VII)..., p. 390, fn. 37 and two half-folles dated to the same year, one of them found in the ancient Carsium area. See: G. Custurea. Unele aspecte privind penetraţia monedei bizantine în Dobrogea în secolele VII–X. – Pontica, 19, 1986; Gh. Poenaru Bordea, R. Ocheşeanu, Al. Popeea. Monnaies Byzantines du Musée de Constanta (Roumanie). Wetteren, 2004, p. 126. 3 Th. Isvoranu, Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Monede bizantine de la Tomis şi împrejurimi în colecţia Institutului de Arheologie „Vasile Pârvan“. – In: Simpozion de numismatică. Bucureşti, 2003, pp. 137–161. 4 A. Gândilă. The Last Stage of Early Byzantine Capidava and the Numismatic Evidence. – CN, 12, under print. 5 H. Nubar in: C. Preda, H. Nubar. Histria III. Descoperirile monetare, 1914– 1970. Bucharest, 1973, pp. 198–233; Gh. Poenaru Bordea in: Al. Suceveanu. Histria VI. Les thermes romains. Bucharest, 1982, pp. 154–158; Gh. Poenaru Bordea, E. Nicolae, A. Popescu. Contributions numismatiques à l’histoire de Noviodunum aux VIe–VIIe siècles, pp. 135–161. 6 Gh. Poenaru Bordea, E. Nicolae, A. Popescu. Op. cit., pp. 135–161. 7 B. Mitrea. Monedele şi prăbuşirea Dinogeţiei la sfârşitul secolului VI. – Pontica, 7, 1974, pp. 49–72. 8 Gh. Poenaru Bordea in Al. Suceveanu, M. Zahariade, Fl. Topoleanu and Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Halmyris I. Cluj Napoca, 2003, pp. 142–189. 9 M. Iacob, Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Les monnaies des IVe–VIIe siècles découvertes à Argamum (Scythie Mineure). – In: XII. Internationaler Numismatischer Kongress Berlin 1997, Akten-Proceedings-Actes, II, Berlin, 2000, p. 780–792. 10 Gh. Poenaru Bordea, R. Ocheşeanu, A. Popescu. Monede greceşti, romane şi bizantine din Dobrogea în colecţia muzeului din Brăila. – SCN, 12, 1998, p. 83–117. 11 В. Парушев. Античните монети от Калиакра. – Известия на Народния музей–Варна, 27, 1991, с. 26–31. 12 И. Йорданов. Нумизматичната колекция на археологическия музей Бал­ чик – исторически извор за историята на града и околностите му. – In: Балчик – древност и съвремие. Балчик, 1990, с. 55. 13 S. Torbatov. Coin Circulation in the Hill-top Settlement near Odartsi (310–610 AD) (in Bulgarian with summary in English). Велико Търново, 2003. 14 I. Barnea. Contributions to Dobrudja History under Anastasius I. – Dacia, N. S., 4, 1960, pp. 363–374; Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Monede bizantine de bronz din secolele V–VII în Dobrogea, p. 53; Al. Barnea. La Dobroudja aux IVe–VIIe siècles n. è. – In: 324

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Al. Suceveanu, Al. Barnea. La Dobroudja romaine. Bucharest, 1991, p. 171. 15 I. Barnea. Perioada Dominatului (sec. IV–VII). – In: R. Vulpe, I. Barnea. Din istoria Dobrogei, II. Romanii la Dunărea de Jos. Bucharest, 1968, p. 438; M. Sâmpetru. Situaţia imperiului romano-bizantin la Dunărea de Jos la sfârşitul secolului al VIlea şi începutul celui de al VII-lea. – SCIV, 22, 1971, 2, pp. 228–229. See also the recent studies dealing with the dissolution of the Roman limes during Heraclius: Al. Barnea, in Al. Suceveanu, Al. Barnea. Op. cit., pp. 176–177; Al. Madgearu. The Province of Scythia and The Avaro-Slavic Invasions (576–626). – BS, 37, 1, 1996, pp. 52–55; Al. Madgearu. The Downfall of the Lower Danubian Late Roman Frontier. – RRH, 36, 1997, 3–4, pp. 315–336; Fl. Curta. The Making of the Slavs: History and Archaeology of the Lower Danube Region. Cambridge, 2001, p. 189. 16 Due to the necessity of using only the coin finds that can be dated very precisely, an important number of coins was withdrawn from this particular statistical table, as their state of preservation did not permit an accurate dating or simply because the coin types do not give enough information for a very precise dating. One of the best examples are the smaller denominations issued in the name of Tiberius II Constantine, whose short reign, even more, has two stages according to the monetary reforms carried out; therefore no less than 33 coins were excluded from the table, almost half of the entire batch. Table 2 from the appendix shows also important number of coins from the reigns of Justinian and Justin II that could not be dated. On the counterpart, all the coin finds from the reigns of Maurice, Phocas or Justin I are present in the table, as no monetary reforms were performed throughout their reigns, meaning that in the case of an ideal situation where all coin finds can be dated with maximum accuracy, these last mentioned reigns would provide even lesser figures in the statistics. 17 W. Hahn. Moneta Imperii Byzantini, I. Wien, 1973, p. 27, II, 1975, pp. 14–17 and III, 1981, p. 16; See also: J-P. Callu. Le tarif d’Abydos et la reforme monétaire d’Anastase. – In: The IXth Numismatic Congres, Berna 10–15 september 1979, pp. 731–740; M. F. Hendy. Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c. 300–1450. Cambridge, 1985, p. 478. 18 D. M. Metcalf. The Origin of the Anastasian Currency Reform. Amsterdam, 1969, pp. 94–99. The hoard of Cudalbi, Galatz County, in „Barbaricum“, contains small module folles dating from this early period. First published by I. Dimian – I. Dimian. Câteva descoperiri monetare bizantine pe teritoriul RPR. – SCN, 1, 1957, pp. 190–191 and later republished by O. Iliescu. Tezaurul de monede bizantine de la Cudalbi. – In: Creşterea Colecţiilor, 43–44, 1973, pp. 9–14, ns. 12–39; See also the updated table in Fl. Curta. Invasion or Inflation?..., p. 118. 19 I. Barnea. Contributions to Dobrudja History under Anastasius I, pp. 363–373; Al. Barnea. La Dobroudja aux IVe–VIIe siècles n. è., p. 171; Fl. Curta. The Making…, pp. 124–126. 20 Appendix, table 3 and 4. Also see the statistical results for the fortresses at Dionyssopolis, Acres, Bizone and Odartsi: S. Torbatov. Op. cit., p. 198, pp. 207–209. 21 E. Oberländer-Târnoveanu. La monnaie dans l’espace rural byzantin des Balkans Orientaux ..., p. 348. 22 W. Hahn. Op. cit., I, pp. 19–27 (360 folles/solidus). 23 This figures should be taken with the reserve that an important number of nummia (2440), could not be dated precisely due to the state of preservation. The same advice is to be taken for the first stage of Justinianus, when 4725 nummia could be only dated roughly 527–538. 325

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Al. Barnea. La Dobroudja aux IVe–VIIe siècles n. è., p. 172. Gh. Poenaru Bordea, R. Ocheşeanu, A. Popescu. Monede greceşti, romane şi bizantine din Dobrogea..., p. 100–101. In connexion with the same events could be put the the hoard from Cudalbi ended with issues dated 522–527 (see fn. 18). 26 Al. Barnea. La Dobroudja aux IVe–VIIe siècles n. è., p. 172. 27 I. Barnea. Perioada Dominatului (sec. IV–VII), p. 424. 28 Procopius. De bello Gothico, III, 14, 6. 29 I. Barnea. Perioada Dominatului (sec. IV–VII), p. 417; Gh. Poenaru Bordea, E. Nicolae, A. Popescu. Contributions numismatiques à l’histoire de Noviodunum aux VIe–VIIe siècles, p. 151. 30 Procopius. De bello Gothico, III, 14, 32–33; I. Barnea. Perioada Dominatului (sec. IV–VII), p. 418; Gh. Poenaru Bordea, E. Nicolae, A. Popescu. Contributions numismatiques à l’histoire de Noviodunum aux VIe–VIIe siècles, p. 152. For the location of Turris at Barboşi (Galatz County) stands the offer made by Justinian to the Antes two years earlier, to settle as foederates on the territory between the Danube Delta and the river Dnister; See: Al. Madgearu. The Placement of the Fortress Turris. – BS, 33, 2, 1992, pp. 203–208. Another hypothesis tries to place Turris at Tyras (Cetatea Albă), see: D. Gh. Teodor. Romanitatea carpato-dunăreană şi Bizanţul în veacurile V–XI e. n. Iaşi, 1981, p. 18. 31 B. Mitrea. Un tezaur de monede bizantine descoperit la Constanta. – Pontica, 16, 1983, pp. 239–262; Gh. Poenaru Bordea, E. Nicolae, A. Popescu. Contributions numismatiques à l’histoire de Noviodunum aux VIe–VIIe siècles, p. 152 and fn. 36. 32 В. Иванов. Няколко монетни находки от Южна Добруджа. – In: Добруджа, 12, 1995, с. 311. 33 Al. Barnea. La Dobroudja aux IVe–VIIe siècles n. è...., p. 173. 34 B. Mitrea. Monedele şi prăbuşirea Dinogeţiei la sfârşitul secolului VI, p. 65, nr. 21 and p. 66, nr. 33; I. Barnea. L’incendie de la cité de Dinogetia au VIe s. – Dacia N. S., 10, 1966, pp. 237–259. 35 An. Vertan, G. Custurea, G. Talmaţchi. Descoperiri monetare în Dobrogea (XIII). – Pontica, 32, 1999, p. 351. 36 I. Dimian. Câteva descoperiri monetare bizantine pe teritoriul RPR, pp. 191– 192; V. Popović. Une invasion slave sous Justin II inconnue des sources éctrites. – Numizmatičar, 4, 1981, p. 113. 37 Th. Isvoranu, Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Monede bizantine de la Tomis…, pp. 156–157. 38 Gh. Poenaru Bordea in Al. Suceveanu et al. Halmyris I, p. 182. 39 Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Monnaies byzantines des VIe–VIIe siècles en Dobroudja ..., p. 207. 40 Al. Barnea. La Dobroudja aux IVe–VIIe siècles n. è., p. 175. 41 I. Barnea. Perioada Dominatului (sec. IV–VII), p. 431. 42 Al. Madgearu. The Province of Scythia and The Avaro-Slavic Invasions (576– 626), pp. 37–38. 43 I. Dimian. Câteva descoperiri monetare bizantine pe teritoriul RPR, pp. 193– 194; C. Chiriac. Câteva consideraţii asupra tezaurului de monede bizantine de la Gropeni (jud. Brăila). – In: Istros, 1, 1980, pp. 257–262. 44 Cr. Opaiţ. Descoperiri monetare în fortificaţia de la Independenţa, judeţul Tulcea. – Peuce, 10, 1991, pp. 477–481; Gh. Poenaru Bordea in Al. Suceveanu et al. Halmyris I, pp. 163–170. 24 25

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ACTA MUSEI VARNAENSIS VІІ–1 45 D. Vâlceanu, Al. Barnea. Ceramica lucrată cu mâna la Piatra-Frecăţei, in SCIVA, 26, 1975, 1, p. 215. 46 I. Opriş. Ceramica romană târzie şi paleobizantină de la Capidava în contextul descoperirilor de la Dunărea de Jos (sec. IV–VI p. Chr). Bucharest, 2003, p. 33; Z. Covacef. Cercetările din sectorul V al cetăţii Capidava. – MCA, Braşov, 1983, p. 361. 47 Al. Madgearu. The Province of Scythia and The Avaro-Slavic Invasions (576– 626), p. 42; C. Chiriac. Expediţia avară din 578–579 şi evidenţa numismatică. – Arheologia Moldovei, 16, 1993, pp. 191–203. 48 Al. Madgearu. The Province of Scythia and The Avaro-Slavic Invasions (576– 626), pp. 43–45. 49 Gh. Poenaru Bordea, E. Nicolae, A. Popescu. Contributions numismatiques à l’histoire de Noviodunum aux VIe–VIIe siècles, p. 152. 50 V. Parvan. Cetatea Tropaeum. Consideraţii istorice. Bucharest, 1912, pp. 190–191; I. Barnea. Perioada Dominatului (sec. IV–VII), p. 433. A specimen dating from 590/1 was reported by Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Quelques monnaies trouvées à Adamclisi et la fin de Civitas Tropaensium. – Dacia, N. S., 12, 1968, pp. 410–411; Another confirmation comes from the small hoard found in 1993 (see below fn. 57). 51 V. Velkov. Cities in Thrace and Dacia in Late Antiquity (Studies and Materials). Amsterdam, 1977, p. 54; Al. Barnea. La Dobroudja aux IVe–VIIe siècles n. è., p. 199; S. Torbatov. Zaldapa (in Bulgarian with summary in English). – In: Roman and Early Byzantine Settlements in Bulgaria. Sofia, 2003, p. 107. 52 I. Barnea. Perioada Dominatului (sec. IV–VII), pp. 433–434. 53 Al. Madgearu. The Province of Scythia and The Avaro-Slavic Invasions (576– 626), p. 49. 54 B. Mitrea. Monedele şi prăbuşirea Dinogeţiei la sfârşitul secolului VI, p. 69 (no. 64). 55 E. Oberländer-Târnoveanu. Monede antice şi bizantine descoperite la Troesmis. – Peuce, 8, 1980, p. 274 (no. 177). 56 Al. Suceveanu, C. Scorpan. Stratigrafia Histriei romane târzii în lumina săpăturilor din 1969 şi 1970. – Pontica, 4, 1971, pp. 159–162. 57 I. Bogdan Cătăniciu, Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Un mic tezaur de monede bizantine descoperit la Tropaeum Traiani. – BSNR, 90–91, 1996–1997, pp. 85–95. A second hoard found at Tropaeum in 1908 could be related to these events. Unfortunatelly, it is only partially preserved and its last available coin is dated 584/5; see R. Ocheşeanu. Tezaurul de monede bizantine descoperit la Tropaeum Traiani în campania arheologică din anul 1908. – SCN, 11, 1995, pp. 163–182. 58 Al. Madgearu. The Province of Scythia and The Avaro-Slavic Invasions (576– 626), p. 50, fn. 84 with the bibliography. 59 H. Nubar in: C. Preda, H. Nubar. Histria III. Descoperirile monetare, 1914– 1970, pp. 229–233; Gh. Poenaru Bordea in Al. Suceveanu et al. Halmyris I, pр. 157–158. 60 I. Dimian. Câteva descoperiri monetare bizantine pe teritoriul RPR, pp. 413– 416; V. Butnariu. Răspândirea monedelor bizantine din secolele VI–VII în teritoriile carpato-dunărene. – BSNR, 77–79, 1983–1985, 131–133, p. 228; Connected to the Slavic attack are a number of coin hoards in the Danube area: Fl. Curta. Invasion or Inflation?…, pp. 156–161 (nos. 163–170). 61 For a detailed discussion on the subject see: Al. Madgearu. The Province of Scythia and The Avaro-Slavic Invasions (576–626), p. 49.

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Andrei Gândilâ • some aspects of the monetary circulation in... 62 C. Scorpan. Date arheologice referitoare la sec. VI–VII pe teritoriul Dobrogei. – Pontica, 5, 1972, p. 358. The stratigraphy drawn by C, Scorpan was disputed by P. Diaconu – P. Diaconu. Despre Sacidava şi „stratigrafia“ ei – SCIVA, 31, 1980, 1, pр. 123–130. 63 H. Nubar in: C. Preda, H. Nubar. Histria III. Descoperirile monetare, 1914– 1970, p. 231. 64 Th. Isvoranu, Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Monede bizantine de la Tomis…, pp. 157–158. 65 Fl. Curta. Invasion or Inflation?…, p. 164, with just four hoards reported of which three comprise only gold coins. Otherwise, on the territory of Romania only one hoard includes coins from Phocas, found in „Barbaricum“ at Obârşeni, Vaslui County; See: I. Dimian. Câteva descoperiri monetare bizantine pe teritoriul RPR, p. 196; V. Butnariu. Răspândirea monedelor bizantine din secolele VI–VII în teritoriile carpato-dunărene, p. 230; Fl. Curta. Invasion or Inflation?…, p. 168. 66 See fn. 2. 67 A. Gândilă. Early Byzantine Capidava: the Numismatic Evidence. – CN, 12–13, 2006–2007, p. 120. 68 An. Vertan, G. Custurea. Descoperiri monetare în Dobrogea (X). – Pontica, 28–29, 1995–1996, p. 318. 69 H. Nubar. Monede bizantine de la începutul secolului VII şi sfârşitul cetăţii Histria. – SCN, 3, 1960, p. 189. 70 Gh. Poenaru Bordea in Al. Suceveanu et al. Halmyris I, p. 186. 71 E. Oberländer-Târnoveanu. Monede bizantine din secolele VII–X descoperite în nordul Dobrogei. – SCN, 7, 1980, p. 163. 72 M. Iacob, Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Les monnaies des IVe–VIIe siècles découvertes à Argamum (Scythie Mineure), pp. 780–792. 73 Th. Isvoranu, Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Monede bizantine de la Tomis…, p. 154, table 6. 74 В. Парушев. Античните монети от Калиакра, c. 31. 75 Gh. Poenaru Bordea, R. Ocheşeanu. Tezaurul de monede bizantine de aur descoperit în săpăturile din anul 1899 de la Axiopolis. – BSNR, 78–79, 1983–1985, 131–133, p. 191. 76 B. Mitrea. Découvertes de monnaies antiques et byzantines en Roumanie. – Dacia N. S., 1966, p. 413. 77 An. Vertan, G. Custurea, G. Talmaţchi. Descoperiri monetare în Dobrogea (XIII), p. 355. 78 I. Dimian. Câteva descoperiri monetare bizantine pe teritoriul RPR, p. 200. 79 E. Oberländer-Târnoveanu. La monnaie dans l’espace rural byzantin des Balkans Orientaux..., p. 376, fn. 119. 80 R.M. Harrison, M. V. Gill, M. F. Hendy, S. J. Hill, D. Brothwell. Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul. Vol. I, Chapter 12: The Coins. Princeton, 1986, pp. 309–313. 81 Al. Madgearu. Continuitate şi discontinuitate culturală la Dunărea de Jos în secolele VII–VIII. Bucharest, 1997, pp. 104–107 and fig. 53; Al. Barnea. Einige Bemerkungen zur Chronologie des Limes an der unteren Donau in spätrömischer Zeit. – Dacia, N. S., 34, 1990, pp. 283–290; S. Torbatov. The Defence System of the Late Roman Province of Scythia (the End of the 3rd–the 7th Century AD) (in Bulgarian with summary in English). Велико Търново, 2002, passim. Coin finds from the sea coast fortresses as Tomis, Callatis or Acres provide a fairly larger number of specimens from both Phocas and Heraclius, proving that the strategic imperial coastline road was still under the Empire’s control.

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M. F. Hendy. Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c. 300–1450, p. 498. E. Oberländer-Târnoveanu. Monnaies byzantines des VIIe–Xe siècles découvertes à Silistra dans la collection de l’académicien Péricle Papahagi, conservées au Cabinet des Médailles du Musée National d’Histoire de Roumanieл – CN, 7, 1996, p. 104. 84 For a full record of the 7th century coin finds in Dobrudja see: E. OberländerTârnoveanu. Monnaies byzantines des VIIe–Xe siècles découvertes à Silistra…, p. 104, fn. 34, pp. 105–106, fns. 41, 43 and 44. Added are three folles from the recently published collection of the museum in Constanta. 85 O. Damian. Despre prezenţa politică bizantină la Dunărea de jos în secolele VII–X, in Prinos lui Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani. Brăila, 2004, p. 284sq. 86 See fn. 17. Such an approach was undertaken more than two decades ago concerning the important collection at the Museum in Constanta: Gh. Poenaru Bordea, R. Ocheşeanu. Probleme istorice dobrogene (secolele VI–VII), pp. 377–396; Gh. Poenaru Bordea, R. Ocheşeanu, Al. Popeea. Monnaies Byzantines du Musée de Constanta (Roumanie), pp. 5–16. 87 See appendix, table 5. 88 Th. Isvoranu, Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Monede bizantine de la Tomis…, p. 154, table 5. 89 Gh. Poenaru Bordea, E. Nicolae, A. Popescu. Contributions numismatiques à l’histoire de Noviodunum aux VIe–VIIe siècles, p. 143, table 10. 90 Th. Isvoranu, Gh. Poenaru Bordea. Monede bizantine de la Tomis…, p. 152, table 2. The presence of lower denominations in high numbers is a good indicator of a healthy monetary economy. Tomis is one of the few towns at the Lower Danube where the ratio between folles and lower denominations is balanced and can be compared with Greek or Middle Eastern urban centres where this situation is more common. See for instance Corinth, K. M. Edwards. Corinth VI. Coins, 1896–1929, Cambridge MA, 1933, and the subsequent reports in Hesperia; Berytus: K. Butcher. Archaeology of the Beirut Souks 1. Small Change in Ancient Beirut: the coin finds from BEY 006 and BEY 045: Iron Age, Hellenistic Roman and Byzantine periods, Berytus, 45–46, 2001–2002; Antioch: D. B. Waage. Antioch-on-the-Orontes. Vol. IV, Part 2: Greek, Roman, Byzantine and Crusaders’ Coins. Princeton–London–The Hague, 1952. 91 F. Curta. Byzantium in Dark-Age Greece (the Numismatic Evidence in its Balkan Context). – Іn: Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 29, 2, 2005, p. 124. See also the coin finds from the shipwreck at Yassi Ada: J. M. Fagerlie, in G. F. Bass, F.H van Doornick Jr. et alii. Yassi Ada. Vol. I: A Seventh-Century Byzantine Shipwreck. Chapter VII: The Coins. Texas, 1982, pp. 145–154, where no half-folles were reported among the 47 coins dated to the reign of Heraclius. 92 As a comparison, the statistics I have made for the published coins of: Sarachane (M. F. Hendy. Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul, pp. 278–313) show the prevalence of the second officina, while at Amaseia (S. Ireland. Greek, Roman and Byzantine Coins in the Museum at Amasya. London, 2000, pp. 101–109) the fifth officina is more present and so is at Antioch (D. B. Waage. Antioch-on-the-Orontes, pp. 148– 164), but not at Sardis (G. E. Bates. Byzantine Coins. Cambridge, 1971, pp. 19–112; H. W. Bell. Sardis. Vol. XI, Part I, 1910–1914: Coins. Leiden, 1916, pp. 76–95), where the second officina and the first, to some extent, are found in greater numbers. 93 R. Ocheşeanu. Monede antice şi bizantine descoperite la Tropaeum Traiani, mss, 1976; Gh. Poenaru Bordea, E. Nicolae. Catalogul monedelor bizantine din colecţia Institutului de Arheologie „Vasile Pârvan“, mss, 1987. 82

83

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Andrei Gândilâ • some aspects of the monetary circulation in...

Някои аспекти на монетното обращение във византийската провинция Скития през VI и VII в. Андрей Гандила (Букурещ)

В проучването е разгледано подробно обращението на византийски бронзови монети във византийската провинция Скития през VI и VII в. За статистическия анализ е използвана информацията от близо 3000 монети, които са намерени на територията на провинцията. Най-голям брой монети са били в обращение през първата половина на VI в. След средата на века политическото и икономическото поло­ жение в империята се променя. Многобройните варварски нашест­вия в балканските провинции водят до инфлация и намаляване на обема използвани монети, а реалната стойност на медните фолиси спря­мо златния солид намалява. През последната четвърт на VI в. запад­ните сектори на дунавската граница падат в ръцете на аварите, но Империята запазва прекия контрол върху Скития до първите десетилетия на VII в. По това време се наблюдава прекъсване на монетооборота в повечето крепости по границата и във вътрешността на провинцията. Над 60% от монетите, намерени в Скития, са били отсечени в Кон­ стантинопол, а повечето от останалите – в Тесалоника, Никомедия и Кизик. Броят на монетите, които са отсечени в Антиохия или в запад­ ните монетарници, е незначителен. Най-често срещаните медни монети са фолиси, следвани от поло­ вин фолиси. Монетите от по-малък номинал са само 15%, което показ­ ва, че пазарът е бил недостатъчно развит и са се извършвали само малки, ежедневни сделки. Превод от английски език на Людмила Ковачева

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