Buck Islamic-world Persian[1]

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﺑﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ "ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ"‬

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‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ "ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ" ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﴼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﮥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺎ ّﻣﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻌﮑﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻋﺎ ّﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﮥ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﮤ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﴼ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ّ ،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠّﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻠّﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﮤ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠّﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻈﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣ ّﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪ ًﺓ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﻠّﻴﮥ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻧﻮﻋﴼ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ّ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻳّﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎ – ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬

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‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ‪ Routledge‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﺭﻳﭙﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ّ ۲۰۰۸‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ‪ّ The Islamic World‬‬

‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ ۶۳۸‬ﺍﻟﻰ ‪ ۶۵۵‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺺ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ – ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ – ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﴼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻠّﻤﴼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪َ ،‬ﺍ َﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ّ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻢ‪" ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ" ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻣﻴﻬﻨﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﮤ "ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ" ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﮥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺣ ّﻘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ –‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﮥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻭﻃﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﴼ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﻭ "ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ" ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ"‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠّﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺴﮑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺴﮑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻮ ّﻳﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﮑﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﮥ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪٢‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮤ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﮥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (۱ :‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ )ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ‪ /‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍ(‪ (۲ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ )ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ (۳‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻔﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮤ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﻳﺪ – ﮐﻪ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ – ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ – ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﺒ ّﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨ ّﻔﺬ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﮤ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﮤ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﮤ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻐﺎء ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ ،۱۹۲۴‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۲۵۸‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣ ّﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮥ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ّ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨ ّﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﮤ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﴼ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﮤ ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻰﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢﺍﻟ ّﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼ ّﻮﺭﻯﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺭﺍﮐﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ "ﺍﺳﻼﻡ" ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗّﺒﴼ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﮎﺭﮤ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻠّﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳ ّﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬

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‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﮤ "ﺳ ّﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ" )ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺁﺋﻴﻨﻰ( ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻓﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨّﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻋﺖ )ﻳﺎ ﮐﮋﺁﺋﻴﻨﻰ(‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨّﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ – ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫"ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺁﺋﻴﻨﻰ" ﻭ "ﮐﮋﺁﺋﻴﻨﻰ" ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ "ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺁﺋﻴﻨﻰ" ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ "ﺭﺳﻤﻰ" ﻳﺎ "ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ" ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗ ّﻮﮤ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣ ّﺘﻰ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﮐﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻗ ّﻮﮤ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﮎﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ "ﺻﺤﻴﺢ"‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﴼ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺣ ّﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮐﮋﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠّﺖ ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﮋﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻨّﻰ )ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﮥ( ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﮋﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎء ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺫ ّﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ – "ﺍﻫﻞ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ" – ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ –‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﺻﺎﺑﺌﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ – ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻌ ّﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ )ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻳّﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ( ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ – ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﻇﻞ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﮥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮ ّﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻰﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺗّﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﮥ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﮥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﮥ ﺍﺣﺪﻳّﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﮥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ – ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗ ّﻮﮤ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴّﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ّ‬ ‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺗﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ )ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ( ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﮋﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﺵ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﺵ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺳ ّﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ( ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠّﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻳّﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻗﻴﺐﮔﻮﻧﮥ )ﺍﺣﻴﺎﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﮥ( ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳ ّﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﮥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ )‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻰﻫﺎ ‪ -‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎ –‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳ ّﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻠ ّﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺑﺪﻋﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭ – ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۰۷‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠّﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ "ﻣﺸﺮﮎ" – ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﮥ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ )ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻮ ّﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻧﺪ(‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﴼ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﮑﺎﮎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻗﻴﺐﮔﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﴼ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻢ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻮ ّﺳﻂ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ )ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻳّﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ(‪ .‬ﺣﺘّﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﮥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫‪۵‬‬

‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮤ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ّ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠّﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎء ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ )ﻭ ﺣ ّﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ( ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻫﻢﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻰ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤ ّﻘﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ )ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﮤ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ( ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻯ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼ ّﻮﺭﻯ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺳﺨﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﮤ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻌﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺻﻄﮑﺎﮎﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﭘﻰ ﺁﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻣﺎﺭﺍﺳﻮﺍﻣﻰ )‪ (۲۰۰۳:۲۴۴‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ "ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﴼ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ".‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﴼ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﮤ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺰﺟﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻬﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮥ ﮐﻮﻣﺎﺭﺍﺳﻤﺎﻭﻯ‪" ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤﻮﮤ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﮥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﻧﻤﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ".‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻠﮥ ﺑﺮﻗﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪۶‬‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﻣﺎﺭﺍﺳﻮﺍﻣﻰ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﮥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ ،۲۰۰۶‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣ ّﺘﺤﺪﮤ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮤ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﻠّﺚﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻨّﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﮐﮋﺁﺋﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﺰء ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﴼ ﺗﻮ ّﺳﻂ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﺒ ّﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﴼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺴﮑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﮐﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ (۱ :‬ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ؛ ‪ (۲‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ (۳‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘّﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ‪" ،(۰۲۰۰۵‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠّﺖ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ" ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ "،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ" ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﴼ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪ (۱‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺼ ّﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ؛ ‪ (۲‬ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ؛ ﻭ ‪ (۳‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ّ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ – ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺳﺎﺯ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﮤ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴّﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣ ّﺘﺤﺪﺍﻟﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻠّﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠّﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﮐﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﻪﻻﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ – ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻳّﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪٧‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۲‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ – ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮐﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ُﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲/۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﻰ )ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ( ﺳﮑﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﴽ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻘﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ – ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳ ّﻨﻰ ﺳ ّﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍ – ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻰﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤ ّﺮﻡ ﺻﺎﺋﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﮑﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺣﺞ – ﺳﻪ ﺭﮐﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻣ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮐﺎﻥ ﺧﻤﺴﮥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ – ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺆﺍﻻﺗﻰ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﴽ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﮥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻰ "ﺍﺳﻼﻡ – ﺗﺮﮐﻰ" ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﻣﺘﺤ ّﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﮥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺗّﺤﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﮐﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻳﺮﺍﺯ )‪ (۲۰۰۵:۵۱۲‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ "ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﺯﺩﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ ".‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣ ّﺘﻔﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻳّﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺳﺎﻫﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻰﺗﺮ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪" :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍ ّﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ّ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ" )‪ .(۲۰۰۵:۴۶۷‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﮥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﮥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﮥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮ ّﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ – ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻗﻰ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪٨‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻇﻔﺮﺍ‪ ‬ﺧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺧﺎﻥ ‪ .(۲۰۰۳:۲۱۸‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ِﺳﺮ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫)ﻭﻓﺎﺕ ‪ ،(۱۹۸۶‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﮥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﭘﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟّﻒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺠﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟ ّﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۴‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﮤ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﮥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﮥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ )‪ (۲۰۰۳‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﮥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۷۴‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ ﺳ ّﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺳ ّﻨﻰﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮ ّﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﺭﺩﻳﻒﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻩ ‪ (۳)۲۶۰‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ "ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ" ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻠ ّﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻴﮥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۶‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۱۹۷۴‬ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻳﺤﴼ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۹۸۴‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ‪) ۲۹۸‬ﺳﻰ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ؛ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﴼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ" ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﮤ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳ ّﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﮤ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫"ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ" ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍ ّﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠّﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤ ّﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ‪) ۲۹۸‬ﺳﻰ( ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۶‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ "ﻃﺮﺩ" ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﮥ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﮥ ُﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻨّﺖﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﮥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﮑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺰﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍ ّﺩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﮐﻨﻰ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍ ّﺩ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻠّﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻈﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗ ّﻮﮤ ﻣﺴﻠّﻂ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫‪٩‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳ ّﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﴼ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻓﺮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮤ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻟ ّﻨﺒ ّﻴﻴﻦ" )ﺳﻮﺭﮤ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﮥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻘﴼ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪ (۴۰‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺆ ّﮐﺪﴽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤ ّﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠّﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮤ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺒ ّﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﺎﮎ ‪ ،۱۹۹۵‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ ،۱۹۱-۸‬ﺑﺎﮎ ‪.(۲۰۰۷‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﮤ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ "ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ" ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻣﺨ ّﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻀ ّﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺘﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﮥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﮐﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﺗﻠ ّﻘﻰ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻯ ﺍ ّﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﻰﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺫﺍﺗﴼ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ّ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﮤ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮ ّﻭﺝ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﮐﻼﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘّﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﮐﻠّﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ّﺩﮤ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺣﺎﮐﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‪" :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ".‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ "ﺍﻫﻞ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ" ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ "ﺍﻫﻞ ﺫ ّﻣﻪ" ﺗﻠ ّﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺪﻭﺭﺍﻟﺪﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣ ّﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﺗﻠ ّﻘﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮤ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ"‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻩ ‪۲۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪" ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ".‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ‬

‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﺍﻧﮥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ۱۹۷۹‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﻫﻴﺄﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ( ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬

‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ )ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ(‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ )ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﮥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﮐﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻡ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻓ ّﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﮐﻦ ّ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻫﻴﺄﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺳﭙﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓ ّﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻰﺍﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﻌﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺿﺎء ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ‪۲۰۰۲‬؛ ﺑﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﻋﺎ ّﻣﮥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ّ‬

‫‪ .(۲۰۰۳‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓ ّﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ" – ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺎﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ‪۰۰۰‬ﺭ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ – ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﺸ ّ‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۹۸۵‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠّﺖ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ‪ ۱۹۸۷‬ﻭ ‪ ،۱۹۸۸‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫‪١١‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﴼ ﺩﺍﻝّ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ّ‬

‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﻋﻠّﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻬﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺎﺩﮤ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﮥ ‪ ،۱۹۸۰‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﴼ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ – ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎ ً‬

‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﴽ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ – ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﮥ ‪ ،۱۹۸۰‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﻔﻰﮐﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺫﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﮥ ‪ ۱۹۹۱‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﻣﺴﺄﻟﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ" ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۹۹۳‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻳﻨﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻨﺪﻭ ﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮤ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﻰﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘّﺤﺪ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺳﻴّﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗ ّﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۲۵‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ّ ۱۹۹۱‬‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ "ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ" ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺫﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪" ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﮤ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪" "،‬ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺆ ّﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ".‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺆﺛّﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ِ ۱۹۸۰‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﴼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ "ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ" ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ّ‬

‫ﻭ ﻓ ّﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ‪ ۲۰۰۷-۸‬ﻗﻮ ّﻳﴼ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﮥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۷‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻯ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻠ ّﻘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺒ ّﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ّﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﮥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ً‬

‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ (۱ :‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺫ ّﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ‪ (۲‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻟ ّﻨﺒ ّﻴﻴﻦ"‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ – ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ّ‬

‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺼ ّﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪١٢‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ‪ /‬ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ "ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ" ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ "ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ" ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﻴﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫)ﻣﺘﻮ ّﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۶۱‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ( ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ "ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﻠّﻬﻰ" ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮤ‬

‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻳّﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ّ‬

‫ﻣﻠّﻰ ﺗﺮﮐﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻮﻳّﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨّﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺗﺴ ّﻨﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﮥ ‪ ۱۹۵۰‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﴽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬

‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﮑﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﮐﺴﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﻨﻦ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺯﻳﺪﺍﻥ ‪۱۹۹۹‬؛ ﺹ‪(۷۷‬‬

‫"ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ" ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺳ ّﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫"ﻋﻠﻰﻟﻠّﻬﻴﺎﻥ" ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮥ ﺧﺎﻥ )‪ ،۲۰۰۳‬ﺹ‪ ،۲۱۸‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ ،(۴‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘ ّﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍ ّﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬

‫ﻼ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺫﻳ ً‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻏﻼﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﻳﺎﻧﻰ )ﻣﺘﻮ ّﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (۱۹۰۸‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻗﺎﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬

‫‪٢‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘ ّﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ "ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮤ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺯﻟﻰ ﻭ ّ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ" ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻠ ّﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﮤ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﮑﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺁﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﮋﺁﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮐﮋﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﮐﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪٢‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ restorationist :‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﭙﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﮐﺴﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍ ّﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ‪ restorationism‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪١٣‬‬

‫ﮐﻤﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ –‬

‫ﺷﮑﻠﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳ ّﻨﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺳ ّﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﮐﻴﻔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ "ﺯﻭﺭ" ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮤ‬

‫"ﺣﻖ" ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،٣‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻠ ّﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﻣﺜ ً‬

‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠّﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘ ّﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻓﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠّﺖ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍ‪) ‬ﻣﺘﻮ ّﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (۱۸۹۲‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ – ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺁﻥ "ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻰ"‪ ٤‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﮥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫"ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻪ" ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺫﺍﺗﴼ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﴼ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠّﻴﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺑّﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺮ‬

‫ﺗﺤ ّﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﮥ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﮤ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ "ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ" )ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﻠّﻔﻈﻰ ﻭﺍﮊﮤ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬

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‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ‪ Might makes right‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ "ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ" ﻳﺎ "ﺭﻭ‬

‫ﻗﻮﻯ ﺷﻮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻃﻠﺒﻰ" ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﻟﻴﻨﮑﻠﻦ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﮐﺮﺩ‪" :‬ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮤ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪".‬‬ ‫‪٤‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ‪ paradigm shift‬ﺭﺍ ﺍ ّﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ‪ Thomas Kuhn‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۲‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﮥ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‪http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paradigm_shift :‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬

‫‪١۴‬‬

‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻰ ‪ (prophētes‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ٥.‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ "ﻧﺒ ّﻮﺗﻰ" ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒ ّﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻼﻗﻰ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎءﺍ‪ ‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﻣﺼﻠﺢ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ" ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻻﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬

‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮥ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﮥ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﮥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ّ‬

‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎءﺍ‪ ‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﮥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﮤ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء )ﻣﺘﻮ ّﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (۱۹۲۱‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒ ّﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺗﺶ‪َ ،‬ﻣ َﺜﻞ ﺍﻋﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﴼ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮤ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘ ّﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫َ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮤ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﮥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻨﺪﻯ )ﻣﺘﻮ ّﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (۱۹۵۷‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۲۱‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ "ﻭﻟﻰ" ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﻠّﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻠّﻰ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﮥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۹۶۳‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺄﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﻩ ﮐﺮﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻔﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ّ‬

‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﮥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻟ ّﻔﺎﻇﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮑﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺗﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻭ َﺣ َ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﮥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﮥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻤﮥ ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺻﻌﺐﺍﻟﻌﻼﺝ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻏﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﴼ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣِ ﻼﮎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬

‫ﻦ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻇ ّ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫‪٥‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺍﮊﮤ )‪ forth-teller (forthteller‬ﻭ ‪ foreteller‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮊﮤ ﺍ ّﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﮤ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﮊﮤ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‪. http://ce.byu.edu/cw/womensconference/archive/2000/Mouritsen&Rasmus.htm :‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ّ‬

‫‪١۵‬‬

‫ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ )ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﮐﻪ ّ‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ( ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﮥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺗﺼ ّﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ِﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۹۹۸‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣ ّﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺿﻊ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۹‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪۱۹۹۸‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺳﻨﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗّﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪۲۷‬‬

‫ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ۱۹۹۸‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﮐﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﺟﻨﺒﮥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠّﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘ ّﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬

‫ﺳﻴّﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻴّﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻠﻮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣ ّﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬

‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ – ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ – ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ (۱ :‬ﻣﺎ ّﺩﮤ ‪ (۳)۱‬ﻭ ‪ ۱۳‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘّﺤﺪ؛ ‪ (۲‬ﻣﻮﺍ ّﺩ ‪ ۱۸ ،۲ ،۱‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﮥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ )ﻣﺼ ّﻮﺏ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،۱۹۴۸‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﮥ ‪۲۱۷‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﮤ ‪(A/810, 71‬؛ ‪ (۳‬ﻣﺎ ّﺩﮤ ‪ ۲‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺴﻞﮐﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ )‪(۱۹۴۸‬؛ ‪ (۴‬ﻣﻮﺍ ّﺩ ‪ ۲۶ ،۱۸ ،۲‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۷‬ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬

‫)ﻣﺼ ّﻮﺏ ‪ ۱۹۶۶‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۳‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪(۱۹۷۶‬؛ ‪ (۵‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﮐﻨﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺷﮑﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ )ﻣﺼ ّﻮﺏ ‪ ۲۵‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪(۱۹۸۱‬؛ ‪ (۶‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣ ّﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠّﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ )‪(۱۹۹۲‬؛ ﻭ ‪ (۷‬ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻩ ‪ ۱۴‬ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬

‫ﮐﻮﺩﮎ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻠﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﮥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻖ "ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ" ﻭ "ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ّﺩﮤ ‪ ۱۸‬ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ّ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ" ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ّﺩﮤ ‪ ۱۸‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺷﺨﺺ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﴽ ﺑﻪ "ﺣ ّﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ" ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻯ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺷﺮﻁ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪١۶‬‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺿﻤﻨﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺳﻨﺪ )ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎءﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ّ‬

‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ "ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ" ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﮤ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺮﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﭘﻮﭺ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬

‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘّﺤﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻳ ً‬

‫ﺫﮐﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘّﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﭙﻨﻬﺎﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗّﺤﺎﺩﻳﮥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ )ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﻡ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ّ‬

‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﴼ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ)ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﮥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘّﺤﺪﻩ ‪۲۰۰۵‬ﺍﻟﻒ(‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮐﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﻋﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺼ ّﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬

‫ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ّ‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ّ‬

‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳّﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﮥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﮥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺠﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣ ّﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪۲۰۰۵ ،‬ﺏ(‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻩ ‪ ۱۸‬ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﮤ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ "ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ِﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺁ َﻭ َﺭﺩ‪ ".‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﮥ ‪ ۱۹۸۵/۲۱‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣ ّﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫‪١٧‬‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ "ﺣﻖ" ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ "ﺣﻘ ّﻴﺖ" ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ّ‬

‫ﻣﺘّﺤﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،۲۰۰۵‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘّﺤﺪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﮐﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴّﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﮐﺎﻓﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ‪) .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ‪(۲۰۰۵ ،‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠّﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﮤ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ّ‬

‫ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﮥ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺘﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﮋﺁﻳﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺬﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻩ ّ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ )ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣ ّﺘﺤﺪﻩ ‪۲۰۰۵‬ﺝ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬

‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄﻴّﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ،۱۹۷۹‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ "ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ "ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ" ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ" ﮐﻪ "ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ" )ﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﮎ ‪ :۲۰۰۳‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪.(۹۱-۲‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﮥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺪﻟﮥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﮥ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ َﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣ ّﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﺯﺍﻟﮥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺒ ً‬

‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﺎﮎ ‪ ،۲۰۰۳‬ﺹ‪ .(۹۱‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﮥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣ ّﺘﺤﺪ ﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺫﺍﺗﴼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻀﺎء‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﮤ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‬

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‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ّﺩﻩ ‪۱۸‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠّﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ّ‬

‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠّﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪" ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ" ﻭ "ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ" ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ(‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ "ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ"‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻌﮑﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺴﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ – ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘّﻰ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﮐﻨﺪ –‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬

‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ "ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻰ" ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺁﺋﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﮥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ٦‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﴼ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪٦‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﮊﮤ ‪ Islamicate‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮ ّﺭﺧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ‪ Marshall Hodgson‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ "ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣ ّﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ" ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﺪ )‪(Venture of Islam, v.1, p. 59‬‬

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‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﮥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ – ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ – ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻨّﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖﺷﺪﮤ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﮏ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﴽ ّ‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﮤ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﮤ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻇﻦ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ – ﺑﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﮥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۴‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ ،۲۰۰۶‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺣﮑﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ "ﺫﮐﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘّﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ".‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،۲۰۰۶‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﮥ ﺣﺴﺎﻡ ّ‬

‫ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺷﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ – ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﮐﻠﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ – ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺫﮐﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍ ّﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۳۱‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ ،۲۰۰۸‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﻣﻠّﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬

‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠّﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﮥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﮤ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ "ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ" ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﮥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺸﺮ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﻋﺼﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ّ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺼ ّﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﮏ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍ ّﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣ ّﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﮥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣ ّﻘﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ّ‬

‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ "ﻫﻮﻳﺖ" ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫‪٢٠‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﮑﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﮤ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻴﺄﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻗﻠّﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻮﻳّﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ – ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﮤ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ّﻳﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻦﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ( – ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﮎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬

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‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۶‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ /۱۹۶۶‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ A 2200‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ۲۳ ،۴۹‬ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ‪۱۹۷۶‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪ -۱‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ )ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ( ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪) -۲‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ( ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪) ۸-۷-۶‬ﺑﻨﺪ ‪۱‬ﻭ‪۱۶-۱۵-۱۱ (۲‬ﻭ‪ ۱۸‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ )ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -۳‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ )ﺣﻖ( ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻫﺪ‪) .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ( ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﻯ )ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺫﮐﺮ( ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ )ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮐﻞ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻫﻢ‬

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‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﮥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﺯ ‪ http://www.mehr.nl/qawanin/qawanin%20index/new_page_130.htm‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫‪-۱‬ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﺣﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-۲‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ )ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ( ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪-۳‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﮐﺴﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-۴‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ )ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ( ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﻬﺎﻯ )ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻯ( ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﻣﻠﻰ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ )ﻧﺴﺐ( ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫)ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ( ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ )ﻧﻴﺰ( ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ )ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺾ( ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

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